Piecing Together My Family and 19th Century Milledgeville Through the Southern Claims Commission
Introduction
I’ve been to Milledgeville, Georgia a handful of times, and is a town that often goes unheard of when people speak of known locations in Georgia. It is ungodly hot in the summer, and my trips down there used to feel like torture as I never went by choice until 2017. Milledgeville sits at the center of the old plantation cotton belt, my family’s history, and I was always forced to go to this seemingly remote place by my mother or grandmother. It is the town where my grandparents were raised, and it is the location where my family can trace its roots back the furthest. My mother spent her summers in Milledgeville as a child; all of her friends spent their summers visiting extended family that still resided in towns in the south, and the post-Great Migration custom developed of sending black children to the South to visit family and to also learn about where they come from.
My family has not been able to trace our history beyond this town, and during our trips to Milledgeville, we’d visit the old homes of deceased family members and their plots in the historic cemeteries of the town. I was always fascinated when visiting the cemeteries because there are a number of plots where former slaves are buried with nothing more than a small chain distinguishing the site. My mother always pointed those sites out to me when we visited, and told me that slave plots have one to three links on the chain to represent the following – that someone was born a slave, that they lived a slave, and that they died a slave. It was haunting being at these sites, and the image has been burned in my mind since I was a little girl. To whom these plots belong, I will never know. However, I didn’t realize was that these unnamed plots would move me to start my own exploration of the history of Reconstruction Milledgeville and my family living in the town, most likely as recently-freed slaves. In this essay, I will piece together a broad history of Milledgeville leading up to the Civil War based on the limited scholarship available about the history of the town, and illustrate a detailed picture of post-war dynamics based on takings claims filed by residents with the Southern Claims Commission.
Historical Background
Milledgeville, Georgia was named after 19th century Georgia governor, John Milledge.[1] The town sits just west of the Oconee Rives on land formerly held by Creek Native Americans. This land was part of a concession–the Treaty of Fort Wilkinson–by the Creeks to the United States government as a manner of resolving significant debts that the Creek acquired.[2] Signed in 1802, the Treaty ceded a portion of land just west of the Oconee River which evolved over the next few decades into Baldwin County with Milledgeville as the county seat and emerging state capital.[3] In December 1805, a special commission was formed to contract for the construction of a statehouse and by November 1807, the state legislature began to meet in the new statehouse and public records were transferred from the former capital, Louisville, to the growing town of Milledgeville.[4] By 1810, the first Census of the town counted a population of 1,256, and by 1828, the population grew to a mere 1,599 with 49% of the population enslaved.[5] The 1830 Census shows 19 planters in Baldwin County each having over 50 enslaved persons, while 75% of white single-family homes owned a much smaller number – usually less than 10.[6]
The available historical information on Milledgeville in the early to mid 19th century is very illuminating when it comes to understanding the dynamics of the small town and why the capital was officially moved to Atlanta in 1868.[7] Early in the founding of the town, a tax on slaves as personal property was already established. However, Baldwin County had an ordinance that placed a tax on all free persons of color in order to discourage the growth of the free black population.[8] At this time there was a special tax of fifty dollars on any free person of color entering the town in order to make it their permanent residence.[9] One can imagine that between the dynamics of the existing population in Milledgeville, the special taxes, and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, there were not a plethora of free persons of color moving about the town nor attempting to move there and make it their permanent residence leading up to the Civil War.[10] In 1861, the Succession Convention of Georgia met in Milledgeville and formally decided to secede from the Union[11] and by November 1864, rumors swirled as to what would be the next stop on Union Army General Sherman’s “march to the sea.”[12] On November 18, 1864, the state legislature was in session, and by the afternoon on November 19th, the governor and many state government officials fled town.[13] Sherman and his army had reached Milledgeville.
Sherman’s army reached Milledgeville on November 20th, 1864.[14] A 1930s interview of a woman named Snovey Jackson entails the following reflection about Union troops entering the town. Snovey was enslaved at the time and stated, “We heard the Yankees were coming and did they ruin everything! Why Milledgeville was just torn up; wasn’t nothing more than a cow pasture when the Yankees got through with it.”[15] A similar recollection of Sherman’s army can be found in the words of medical doctor Robert Massey, who stated that the army “took everything they could find insight that could be carried away and searched for many things that were out of sight.”[16] More than 30,000 soldiers entered Milledgeville.[17] The town’s infrastructure was decimated and the concept of owning one’s property – for whites, free persons of color, and enslaved persons – no longer existed.
Following the Union’s victory, Georgia’s capital was moved from Milledgeville.[18] With the growth of Atlanta’s population, its rail accessibility, and the city’s offer to provide adequate accommodations for state officials, Georgia residents voted to move the capital. The first meeting of the legislature took place in Atlanta on July 4, 1868 – just a couple of weeks before the state ratified the 14th amendment.[19] Additionally, in March 1871 President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act that created the Southern Claim Commission situated under the Treasury Department of the United States. The Commission was set up with the expectation that it would hear the property claims of southerners who asserted loyalty to the Union during the war. Over one hundred federal Commissioners were sent to various counties throughout the south to process the claims of southerners that asserted a loss of property to the Union army during the war.[20] Southerners that filed claims were required to provide satisfactory evidence of loyalty to the Union throughout the entirety of the war, and to provide proof of their property losses.[21]
White southerners turned out in droves, desperate to regain not only their physical property but the status in society that their property provided them. Recently freed blacks showed up to controversially assert a right to taken property they claimed to own when they themselves were still deemed property. Despite the turnout, most southerners – especially in Baldwin, County – were undoubtedly disappointed with the results of their filings. The U.S National Archives and Records Administration of the United States has since digitized all of the claims filed throughout the existence of the Commission, and report that “of the 22,298 claims, only 7,092 satisfied the rigid tests of sworn statement and cross-examination used to prove both the sustained Union loyalty of the claimant throughout the war and the validity of the claim.”[22] Of the numerous claims filed in Baldwin, County, the National Archives Reports a total of 12 claimants that were successful in asserting a claim to a loss of property.[23] In sum, the odds were not in your favor – Commissioners could easily presume that former slaveholders were loyal to the Confederacy out of principal and that former slaves could not legally own property. In sum, the Commission saw $60,258,150.44 worth of claims with only $4,636,920.69 approved and paid to southerners.[24]
The claims filed through the Commission have extreme historic value because they provide detailed insight into the lives of the claimants and the witnesses used to prove their claims. In many instances, claimants relied on the testimony of neighbors, friends, community members, and even former slaves to help prove that they were in fact loyal throughout the war and that they did lose the asserted property to the federal government’s army. In the short time I’ve spent researching Milledgeville, I’ve been shocked at the lack of scholarship that I’ve found about the town. For it to be the epicenter of Confederate Georgia, I began this research project expecting to find a massive amount of information about the historic significance of the town. However, I was shocked to find only two books covering Milledgeville and its role as the Georgia capital during the Civil War.[25] I didn’t find any scholarly articles written in the past twenty years, which feels noteworthy considering that we’ve moved into the age of the internet and readily available primary and secondary sources.
What ended up being most insightful as to the day to day dynamics of the town are the claims filed with the Commission in Baldwin County in the late 19th century. Because of the standard that claimants had to meet in order to be compensated for their loss of property, these claims contain thousands of pages of testimony and affidavits “including the names and ages of former slaves, their places of residence, names of slave owners, plantation conditions, wills, and probate matters, slave manumissions, slave ownership of property, slave and free black entrepreneurship, conditions of free blacks, and a great deal more on what it was like to live as an African American during slavery and the post-slavery period.”[26] For a student interested in the intersection of law and slavery, as well as her own family history, the Southern Claims Commission files are as good as it gets. It is well known that enslaved persons were not only disenfranchised by the U.S. legal system but that they were also prevented from engaging in a number of activities that would have created legal records about their lives. However, the claims filed with the Commission are uniquely situated in that they formally write into existence the lives of thousands of enslaved persons that were otherwise nameless on U.S. Census reports until 1870.[27]
Using Claims to Illustrate Milledgeville
In this section, I will describe and analyze three claims that were filed in Baldwin County, Georgia. These claims each stem from long term Milledgeville residents, and the configuration of race and social status amongst the individuals used as witnesses proves to be extremely telling of this old Georgia town.
The Claim of William McComb
The first claim comes from a white southerner named William McComb.[28] The claimant lived in Milledgeville during the war, and asserted a loss of property totaling in $3,983.00. McComb was one of the lucky few whose claim was allowed by the Commission – however, he was only compensated $250. This was not uncommon for the claims that the Commission allowed, as claimants had to prove property ownerships for every single item that was supposedly taken by the Union army which proved extremely difficult. McComb was the son of a wealthy family that owned a well-known hotel in the town,[29] and asserted a property loss for goods that were maintained on a plantation[30] – presumably his own or that of his family.
In support of his claim, McComb called on five witnesses. Of the five witnesses which include Joseph Beale; Edward Lewis; Benjamin H. Myrick; Obadiah Arnold; and Walter Paine, I found clues pointing to at least three of them having significant financial and social status in Milledgeville. According to the 1860 Census, Myrick and Arnold were slave owners. Walter Paine was a clerk for the Superior Court of Georgia,[31] and he and Arnold served as pallbearers in the funeral of a man named William McKinley, a well-known and affluent lawyer that served in the militia during the war.[32] Additionally, Arnold is believed to have been a sheriff in the year 1875.[33]
Witnesses for a claimant that were NOT enslaved prior to the war were faced with over fifty questions, and unsatisfactory answers to any of the questions could result in the claim being thrown out. Commissioners sent to southern counties to hear these claims had full discretion to dismiss a claim, or to forward it on to the Treasury Department for approval. This configuration of known, wealthy white men as McCombs witnesses undoubtedly contributed to McCombs's success because of their credibility and reputations. However, it was still a gamble, as some of the people on his list embody the infrastructure and culture of Confederate Milledgeville. The testimony of Walter Paine best exemplifies this and surprisingly did not prevent McComb from garnering some degree of success in his claim.
Walter Paine began his testimony by stating his name, age, place of residence, and occupation. Considering the low percentage of claimants that were compensated by the federal government and the strong emphasis on loyalty, I’m surprised that McComb’s claim was not immediately thrown out. Paine continued in stating that he was in the rebel army until the close of the war, that politically he agreed with the rebellion the entire time, and that he “did and said anything he could against the Union cause during the war because he thought he was right.”[34] Paine maintained that he originally opposed succession and voted against it, but after “gave in his adhesion to the will of the majority of votes in the State.”[35] He also included information about McComb in saying that he was arrested by “State authority under order that he be sent into the rebel army;” that McComb escaped and never joined the Confederate army; and that his “public reputation was that he was loyal to the United States.”[36]
Paine’s testimony is incredibly layered. First, it is a shock that the Commission did not automatically dispose of McComb’s claim for merely being associated with someone that was involved in the Confederate army. The witness describes a mindset that a number of white southerners probably had – that of not wanting to succeed from the Union but remaining loyal to their state regardless of how the vote went. After Georgia officially succeeded from the U.S., Paine abandoned his personal stance on succession and committed himself to the preservation of the Confederacy by means of volunteering for their army. Secondly, if his assertions are true, Paine maintained a relationship with McComb – a Union supporter that was not only pro-Union in his own mind but also had a reputation in the town for being pro-Union. This relationship was maintained to the extent that after the war, they were still friendly enough for McComb to trust Paine in asking him to be a witness to his claim. Thus far, I have no found any documents in which a witness is subpoenaed, therefore I’m presuming that any forced testimony was a result of social pressure rather than legally mandated. Third, McComb played a dangerous game in escaping the Confederate army in the heart of Georgia’s confederate capital. One can imagine the challenge of maintaining an amicable relationship between a man in the Confederate army and another that was a well know Unionist and escapee from jail, all in the midst of a war that decimated the town in which they both resided.
The mere trauma of that experience is unquestionable and speaks volumes to the complexities that exist when a civil war violently turns neighbors, friends, and community members against each other politically. Lastly, Paine’s testimony illustrates the value that whiteness and social status provides an individual. Early in Paine’s testimony, he declares himself as a rebel that fought against the Union now holding the reigns on McComb’s claim for a loss of property. In lieu of the number of claimants that did not receive compensation, I can’t imagine many affiliations that are more disqualifying than that between McComb and Paine. However, Paine worked for the court and seems to be associated with well-known men throughout Milledgeville. This lends itself to the complexities of the Commissioner’s discretion – which could turn on one’s status in the town based on race, political affiliation, financial status. Paine’s testimony brings to light the significance of relationships throughout the small town, and how whiteness, occupation, or perceived reliability were seen as valuable in Milledgeville.
The Claim of John Lambert
Out of the small number of claims that were allowed for Baldwin County, John Lambert’s might be one of the most fascinating. Lambert was a recently freed person of color and when the claim was filed, he was in his mid-60s. By the time the claim was approved for compensation, Lambert passed away and the payment was made to his descendants. The information in this claim is invaluable, as it was revolutionary for a former slave to assert a legal right to property that they had before emancipation. Historian Dylan Penningroth does a phenomenal job in dissecting the community dynamics in Liberty County, Georgia that allowed enslaved persons to not only own property, but that positioned them to be confident enough to assert a claim to it in front of the Commission.[37] He writes,
"The officers of the Southern Claims Commission struggled to
reconcile the traditional northern viewpoint that slaves had been
systematically deprived of all the fruits of their labor with the reality
of slaves who had had their property confiscated by Union soldiers
"I know it is hard for some to realize or imagine how it was possible
for slaves to own property," wrote Hillyer to the commissioners after
months of hearing testimony. "You would be astonished to get through
the external crust of Southern society and see the inside working of the
almost entire business of the Southern States.”[38]
While Liberty County residents filed and were granted compensation for far more claims than that of Baldwin County, I can’t imagine that the inner workings of the black community were significantly different in terms of how both enslaved and free blacks viewed and proved property ownership. Lambert was a former slave that resided on the 12-15 acres owned by his master, Lafayette Carrington. Carrington owned a private school in Milledgeville,[39] and his farm was located about a mile from the town. Lambert’s file notes that he was a carpenter by trade, that he and each of his descendants were loyal, and that “his title is as well established as that of any colored man and former slave could be.”[40]
In terms of witnesses, Lambert called on three black people. One witness in particular, July De Sauseaure, was the former slave of a man named David Campbell and was a Methodist minister that “retained and manifested his affection for the children of his former master…which was reciprocated by them.”[41] De Sauseaure was Lambert’s neighbor, and undoubtedly a well-known figure in the black community as religious figures were and continue to be today. In his vivid testimony, De Sauseaure maintains that he was present when some of the articles of property were taken because he was standing at his gate, and he saw soldiers drive off with Lambert’s horse and a wagon full of potatoes. Lambert had finished gathering his crops for the season, and De Sauseaure recalls that Lambert planted one acre of potatoes – all of which were in his possession when the Union army arrived at Lambert’s around 10 am and were taken when they left. He continued to testify that Lambert was a slave at the time the property was taken, but that he was allowed to live on Carrington’s property and keep the taken goods for himself.
This testimony illuminates another reality that existed in Milledgeville during this time. De Sauseaure most likely had an amicable relationship with his former master prior to emancipation and was a minister – a role that has always garnered additional respect from blacks and whites alike. Conveniently for Lambert, when calling on De Sauseaure he not only brought in a witness that saw the taking of his property, but also a witness with status and credentials that could work in his favor despite De Sauseaure having no financial interest in the claim. De Sauseaure also sheds light on the intricacies of the relationship between former masters and former slaves. He knew that Lambert had some degree of autonomy because he planted and kept crops for himself, maintained horses, and owned a wagon for his own use. It is worth noting that Lafayette Carrington did not file a successful Commissions claim, so the property in question can be framed as being Lambert’s alone – if only by means of the Commission approving it and compensating him.
The notes about Lambert in the file are also telling with regards to the standard of proof used for his claim. It states that not only was Lambert loyal throughout the war but that all of his descendent and parties interested in the claim were as well. This is wildly different from McComb’s file which includes the testimony of someone that was blatantly opposed to the success of the Union. While we cannot know for sure whether this discrepancy can be attributed to the racial dynamics of McComb’s claim versus Lambert’s, it very well could be an example of how whiteness – even Confederate whiteness – carried a level of validity that was not available to black people, nor the words of their testimony. De Sauseaure’s testimony illustrates several intersecting social dynamics including political beliefs, race, and social status within the community; and it shows us a Milledgeville that complicates the notion of enslaved persons being considered property while owning property. John Lambert’s claim was approved, resulting in a payment of $1,172.
The Claim of William Reaves
The third and final claim that I examined is very near to my heart as it is the claim of a white, southern man residing in Milledgeville that owned a number of enslaved persons, including a man named Moses Hitchcock and his family. After much investigation and lineage tracing by family members and myself, we have come to believe that Moses Hitchcock and his family are our ancestors and the earliest people that we can find records of – thus emphasizing my family’s connection to Milledgeville. Reaves relied on six people in order to help him assert his claim. Five of the witnesses were black, two of the black witnesses had the last name Reaves (invoking the likely occurrence that they are either Reaves’ children or the children that another white family member had with an enslaved woman), and one of the witnesses with Moses Hitchcock.
Unlike the two prior claims that I’ve discussed, Reaves fell into the category that most southerners that filed claims fell into – he was one of the thousands of people who were not compensated for property loss. Typically, claims that were not granted contained a lot less information as they could quickly be thrown out. However, Hitchcock’s testimony speaks to another existence in Milledgeville, that of a man that may have not had social notoriety, and that of my family. At the time of the testimony, Moses was 60 years old and had known Reaves for 29 years because “he belonged to him in slavery time.” He testified that he saw the claimant every day of the war and that he heard Reaves state that “he did not mean to fight against the Yankee army if he could help it.” Moses himself asserted that he was not adherent to either cause because he did not know enough about it to be in favor of either side, a position that feels strange as a 21st-century researcher but is entirely understandable considering social norms around the literacy of enslaved persons, and the fact that pro-Confederate whites probably did not rush to inform enslaved people about a controversy that could uproot life as they knew it. Interestingly enough, Moses continued to testify that he does not know about the details of Reaves’ loyalty in terms of whether he provided anything to the Confederate government.
Though much less is known about Reaves other than what’s been stated, and despite the fact that his claim was not granted, Hitchcock’s testimony remains extremely valuable. This was an instance in which a former slave assisted a former master in recovering lost property. On its face, Hitchcock’s testimony does not seem to be nearly as damaging as Walter Paine’s testimony for William McComb, and yet when you look at Reaves’ lists of witnesses there is something that is missing that worked in favor of McComb and Lambert’s claims. Reaves’ witnesses were compiled of his own slaves, some of which were related to him. Unlike the witnesses listed for Lambert and McComb, I’ve not found anything written about the Reaves’ or Hitchcock’s and their place in Milledgeville society. This signals a lack of socio-political clout for Reaves and the pool of witnesses that he had available to attest to his loyalty and property ownership – two factors that could easily damage the chances of success on his claim. Additionally, there is no approved claim for a Hitchcock in Baldwin County and thus far, I have not found a disallowed claim from a Hitchcock in Baldwin County. This could mean a number of things, but it mainly shows that as the town moved into Reconstruction, Moses nor none of his nine children felt entitled to compensation for lost property. Further digging shows that members of the Hitchcock family continued to work for Reaves after the war, and this alone could be the reason why the Hitchcock’s testified on behalf of their master.
The two earlier claims discussed in this essay demonstrate a much more amicable relationship between the claimant and the witness examined, so what does this mean about Hitchcock’s reason for testifying on behalf of Reaves? We may never know for sure, but it is without question that the social status of McComb and the autonomy of the formerly enslaved Lambert appear to be worlds away from the reality of life in Milledgeville for William Reaves and Moses Hitchcock.
Conclusion: Understanding Milledgeville and My Family
This essay is in no way meant to be exhaustive of the details of life in Milledgeville as it moved into Reconstruction. Still, it paints a much deeper picture than myself or my family have ever known of a town that has framed my childhood, the life of my mother, and my entire maternal ancestry. The claims filed with the Commission illustrate property ownership; the relationships that existed between community members; the way that race and previous condition of servitude affected those relationships; and the reality of Milledgeville residents either entering the Reconstruction period in a manner that was not equitable. Today, Milledgeville remains a quaint Southern town with an air of Confederate loyalty. A monument erected in honor of Confederate soldiers stands across from the Mary Vinson Memorial Library on South Jefferson Street,[42] while the town is now home-base to two colleges, one university, and a plethora of Hitchcock descendants.
This research essay entailed the visceral experience of learning about the ways in which my family and other black people have continuously and violently been disenfranchised through the history of the United States, particularly during the 19th century. It was an opportunity to research and recollect my family’s history, and to put it in writing for myself and my living family members. Activist and write Assata Shakur infamously wrote, “The schools we go to are reflections of the society that created them. No one is going to give you the education you need to overthrow them. Nobody is going to teach you your true history, teach you your true heroes if they know that that knowledge will help set you free.” I’d like to think that I used this opportunity to teach myself about my own heroes and write them – my family – into the history of the United States.
Notes
[1] James Bonner, Milledgeville: Georgia’s Antebellum Capital 17 (University of Georgia Press, 1978)
[2] Id. at 7.
[3] Bonner, supra note 1, at 1-16.
[4] Bonner, supra note 1, at 21.
[5] Bonner, supra note 1, at 35.
[6] Id.
[7] Edwin Jackson, Georgia’s Historic Capitals, New Georgia Encyclopedia (July 28, 2005), https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/counties-cities-neighborhoods/georgias-historic-capitals
[8] Bonner, supra note 1, at 101.
[9] Id.
[10] The 1850 Fugitive Slave Act permitted a white person – including slaveholders and local authorities – to arrest and/or claim a runaway slave. This drastically increased fear amongst enslaved and free populations, as any black person found could be accused of being a slave and handed over to their former master or sold to a new one. This act was predated by the infamous Prigg v. Pennsylvania decision, in which a man named Prigg asserted a claim to a woman that had never lived the life of a slave.
[11] Bonner, supra note 1, at 155.
[12] Hugh Harrington, Civil War Milledgeville: Takes from the Confederate Capital of Georgia 47 (The History Press, 2005).
[13] Id.
[14] Id.
[15] Id. at 13-14.
[16] Id. at 49.
[17] Bonner, supra note 1, at 182.
[18] Edwin L. Jackson, The Story of Georgia’s Capitols and Capital Cities, U. of Georgia Carl Vinson Inst. of Gov’t (1988) https://web.archive.org/web/20071009145856/http://www.cviog.uga.edu/Projects/gainfo/capital.htm#anchor667939
[19] Id.
[20] Dylan Penningroth, Slavery, Freedom, and Social Claims to Property among African Americans in Liberty County, Georgia, 1850-1880. 84 J. of Am. Hist. 405, 408 1997).
[21] See appendix
[22] Dept of Treasury, Southern Claims Commission Approved Claims 1871-1880: Georgia, Records of the Accounting Officers Group 217, https://www.archives.gov/files/dc-metro/washington/m1658.pdf (last visited May 6, 2020).
[23] Id.
[24] Id.
[25] See Bonner, supra note 1; see also Harrington, supra 12.
[26] Reginald Washington, Genealogy Notes The Southern Claims Commission A Source for African-American Roots, 59 Negro Hist. Bull. 12, 12 1996).
[27] The first Census year after emancipation when enslaved persons would have been counted as full people by name. Prior to this, enslaved persons were simply listed by number on the Census count for slaveholders. This is in direct relation to the 3/5th clause, which allocated worth to persons depending on race and functions and the equation for allocating representatives in the House.
[28] See appendix
[29] Anna Maria Green Cook, History of Baldwin County – Huson-McComb Biography 1925, 377-382 (Keys-Hearn Printing Co., 1925), http://files.usgwarchives.net/ga/baldwin/history/other/gms299historyo.txt, (last visited May 6, 2020).
[30] See appendix
[31] See appendix
[32] Bonner, Anna Maria Green Cook, History of Baldwin County – McKinley Biography 1925, 377-382 (Keys-Hearn Printing Co., 1925), http://files.usgwarchives.net/ga/baldwin/history/other/gms310historyo.txt;, (last visited May 6, 2020); Milledgeville-Baldwin County, Ga In the News 1870-1879, http://sites.rootsweb.com/~gabaldw2/news1870s.html (last visited May 6, 2020); See Bonner, supra note 1 at 126. You can also view McKinley's historic home here: https://vault.georgiaarchives.org/digital/collection/vg2/id/371/.
[33] Milledgeville-Baldwin County, Ga In the News 1870-1879, http://sites.rootsweb.com/~gabaldw2/news1870s.html (last visited May 6, 2020).
[34] See appendix
[35] See appendix
[36] See appendix
[37] See Penningroth, supra note 20 at 408.
[38] Id. at 409.
[39] Bonner, supra note 1 at 209.
[40] See appendix
[41] Bonner, supra note 1 at 236-237.
[42] Gil Pound, Monument struck by car restored, The Union Rec. (Aug. 12, 2019), https://www.unionrecorder.com/news/monument-struck-by-car-restored/article_6f3c947e-bd3e-11e9-8bff-f31727366458.html
