Vol. XXI, Issue 3 (Summer 2014): Nigeria’s Boko Haram; Ethiopian Coffee Cooperatives |
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BOARD: Gloria Emeagwali Walton Brown-Foster Haines Brown ISSN 1526-7822 REGIONAL EDITORS: Olayemi Akinwumi
TECHNICAL ADVISOR: Jennifer Nicoletti
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Table of Contents
In this issue of AfricaUpdate
we include an analysis on Boko
Haram from the perspective of Nigerian analyst Kola Ibrahim whose
analysis focuses on the fundamental issues giving rise to the terrorist
phenomenon in Nigeria. He also suggests solutions for the problem. Mr.
Ibrahim is pessimistic about the ability of western intervention to
solve the problem of terrorism in Nigeria and argues that, in reality,
western governments opportunistically make use of disastrous situations
to extend their military power rather than solve the root problems of
crises.
AfricaUpdate
does not necessarily endorse the views of the author.
Also included in this issue of AfricaUpdate
is an illuminating analysis of coffee cooperatives in Ethiopia by Beyene
Desta Kerse of the
Technoserve Ethiopia Coffee Initiative. Mr. Beyene Desta Kerse
provides useful suggestions for the improvement of the production and
marketing methodologies of coffee cooperatives in Ethiopia, the
region that first domesticated the coffee plant, according to some
scholars.
We extend our profound appreciation to the contributors to this issue of
AfricaUpdate
and will continue our focus on Boko Haram in the fall issue of
AfricaUpdate. Professor Gloria Emeagwali
‘Boko Haram and the West’s Intervention’
The kidnapping of hundreds of schoolgirls in Chibok town, Borno State,
Nigeria, weeks ago, has drawn widespread global opprobrium.
Instinctively, Nigerians and people globally, have seen the latest
barbaric onslaught on poor Nigerians by Boko Haram terrorists, as an
assault on human dignity and safety.
The Nigerian Government’s Stunning Callousness
While Nigeria’s military has been declared weak and repressive, the
reality is that the atrocities and rottenness in the military reflects
the neo-colonial character of Nigeria’s political class. For instance,
while close to a trillion naira was budgeted for defense in 2013, the
rank-and-file soldiers, especially those engaged in the anti-terror
campaigns, are living in horrible conditions, improvising to feed. This
has led to low morale, desertions and frustration. Money meant for
welfare of foot soldiers and provision of needed logistics for the
soldiers, has been looted. This has led to the military, in the absence
of adequate logistics and infrastructures for intelligence and movement,
having heavy casualties. It is therefore not accidental that there are
indiscriminate killings carried out by soldiers in response to
unstoppable attacks from terrorists.
Added to this is the neo-colonial nature of Nigeria’s armed forces,
which is tailored towards defending the rich few in power and big
business. For instance, while soldiers drafted to secure multinational
oil installations and government buildings are well funded, those
fighting terrorists in the north are in rags. According to a report, a
quarter of the police force undertakes private security services to
handful of big businesses and politicians. In 2012, one third of around
300 billion naira budgeted for internal security went to the Office of
the National Security Adviser domiciled in the presidency but with just
about a hundred staff; while the police force, with over 400, 000 men,
got N200 billion naira. This meant a police station collected less than
N2, 000 a month for logistics and operations. All this has meant an
armed forces existing on the fringes, which has further isolated it from
the communities and the society. Therefore, it is easier for the police
to arrest harmless and helpless protesters than contend with armed
criminals.
Imperialist Intervention: An Assured Failure
The US and other western government’s military involvement in the Boko
Haram issue will not guarantee peace in northern Nigeria or elsewhere.
In fact, it has the capacity to draw in stronger forces of the global
terrorist network into Nigeria, as the country will be seen as another
outpost of western imperialism against terrorism (a seed capitalist
imperialism sowed in the first instance). Whether the Chibok schoolgirls
are found or not, the US and western imperialist militaries will use the
opportunity to seek a permanent base in the country, and play more roles
in the internal security policies. With this will be deeper involvement
of western imperialism in the politics and economics of the country. He,
who controls the defense, dictates the pace of the politics and by
extension controls the economy. A review of western media editorials and
reports suggests that there is a conclusion being drawn that Nigeria is
a failed state, and the government is incapable of addressing not just
security situation but also the problems confronting the polity. This is
a background to placing western capitalist governments as savior of
Nigeria.
Already, western militaries, with US African Command in the lead, are
playing decisive roles in the Gulf of Guinea, with the possibility of
building military bases in the coast of Nigeria around Lagos. This is
being done under the guise of combating oil bunkering and piracy. The
Nigerian government, under Goodluck Jonathan, has already surrendered
Nigeria’s coastal defense to the western imperialist forces. With the
latest involvement in northern Nigeria, in the name of fighting
terrorism, the cycle may be complete. Moreover, the US drone bases have
been situated in Niger, which borders Nigeria, while France has presence
in Mali and other francophone African countries. There have also been
previous attempts to set up a drone base in Nigeria without success.
Just few years ago, Nigerians rejected siting the US African Military
Command (AFRICOM) base in Nigeria; but today, western militaries may
have achieved more than they dreamt.
The #BringBackOurGirls Campaign
Women’s Groups Demand Release of Abducted School Girls
Western Imperialism’s Records
Western imperialisms have been fingered in the arming of Islamist
rebels, linked to terrorist organizations, in the Syrian conflict. In
Egypt, state assassination of thousands of people and detentions of
several more, have not stopped the Obama government from sending apache
helicopters to the military regime. In Ukraine, the US- and other
European governments- supported fascist government plunged the country
into deeper crises. Western imperialism- supported
Right Sector and other fascist
groups killed scores in Odessa, in southern Ukraine. Today’s Al Qaeda
terrorist group is a creation of US imperialism. It was the US that
armed Osama bin Laden and his Mujahidin brothers in an attempt to defeat
the Soviet-backed government in Afghanistan in the later 1970s.
Therefore, western imperialist interventions cannot solve the problem of
terrorism in the short or long run. It is only a recipe for greater
crisis.
The Shock Doctrine
Nigeria’s Political Economy Seduces Military Interests
Nigeria, now the biggest economy in the continent, and the 26th in the
world is an important factor in all this. Aside the huge oil and gas
resources and other minerals available in the country, Nigeria is also a
huge market for global products. The exponential rise in telecoms
markets and the rise in private jet ownership (and other luxury goods)
show the role of Nigeria in this market. This is even more so as global
capitalism is undergoing historic decline, with the turbo-growth in
China’s economy unraveling. Global capitalist interests in Africa is
definitely not meant to develop Nigeria’s, nay Africa’s economy, but to
further plunder them by enforcing neo-liberalist economic policies that
will throw more people to the heap of poverty, while providing more
wealth for global capitalism.
Added to this is the contagious effect a Nigerian crisis will have for
the rest of Africa, especially west and North Africa. For every seven
Africans, there is a Nigerian. A political crisis in Nigeria will have
social, political and economic repercussions in the rest of Africa,
especially west and North Africa. For instance, serious political and
social crises, leading to refugee movements to other African countries
can upset the precarious situations in these countries. Currently,
according to UNHCR, over 250, 000 have been internally displaced, while
as much as 60, 000 (22, 000 of which are Nigerians, and the rest
foreigners, mostly Nigeriens, who came to Nigeria in search of a
greener pasture) have fled into
neighboring countries like Cameroun, Chad and Niger, as a result of the
terror campaign in the northern Nigeria. What will happen if this
population is doubled or tripled is a million dollar question. All of
these, among other factors, have made Nigeria a focal point in western
imperialisms’ policies on Africa.
According to a report in UK Guardian, (09 May, 2014) “although Boko
Haram’s abduction of school girls has thrust the violence in Nigeria
onto the world diplomatic state, the crisis has been high on
Washington’s African agenda for several years. But even before that, the
most populous country in Africa was a centerpiece of US security policy
as the continent’s largest oil producer.” While the journal did not
state how many years “the crisis has been high on Washington’s African
agenda”, it however mentioned the fact that a war college in
Pennsylvania, US had staged a war game “in which the Nigerian government
is on the brink of collapse and the US intervenes to protect the oil
supply”.
It is no accident that western imperialism played role in the emergence
of Goodluck Jonathan as president, with the former US Assistant
Secretary for Africa, Johnnie Carson expressing US interests in the 2011
elections: security of oil and gas investments in the Niger Delta.
Carson even visited retired top military autocrats like Babangida to
resolve the disagreements among capitalist politicians in the run up to
the 2011 elections. Therefore, the current ‘sudden’ interests in
Nigeria’s terrorism are an attempt to deepen interests in the country’s
political economy. There are newspapers reports that the western forces
will stay beyond 2015. According to local Punch newspaper, quoting a US
security source, “the American and other foreign troops are expected to
remain in the country till after the 2015 elections. The mission is to
sort out the issue of terrorism in the country.” Also, the local
Guardian newspaper, quoting another security source, stated that the
tenure of the US forces will only be determined when they arrive.
2015, the Horrible Prospect and the Oily Factor
In 2011, the West supported Jonathan to stabilize oil exploitation, but
on the basis of the glaring failure of the administration, coupled with
its failure to curtail terror campaigns, the western governments are
finding it difficult to openly associate with the regime. On the other
hand, the choice of the opposition, especially with a Muhammadu Buhari
candidature, aside not necessarily being able to resolve the Boko Haram
conundrum, can renew militant campaign in the Niger Delta. While the
opposition capitalist politicians are relying on the failure of the
Jonathan regime, especially its inability to curb terrorist campaigns,
as a tool to seek power, the Jonathan regime is aiming to use the Niger
Delta as a pawn to get western imperialism’s support. The working
masses, without a clear-cut socialist or working class political
alternative will be divided along this line. For the West, it is not a
straightforward question.
Jonathan’s government, as a way of getting local support, financial and
strategic, is using oil to woo local supporters and blackmail western
imperialism for support. This has meant lucrative oil blocks being given
to local middlemen, as against previous arrangements where western oil
companies corner most of the juicy blocks. Of course, the local
middlemen rely on international finance capital and big multinational
oil companies, as partners and funders, as a result of the weakness of
Nigeria’s capitalist class. However, the idea that western oil
corporations will have to pay more money – albeit to local middlemen
serving as front for political forces – in order to get greater access
to Nigeria’s oil and gas sector is clearly unsavory. However, the
alternative of the opposition is neither cheery. The fact that many of
the opposition politicians and big business partners, who have been
sidelined from playing a central role in the oil and gas sector, will
want to redefine the existing arrangement, is a major disincentive for
western governments. The power sector, where local capitalists are well
favored as middlemen, with big multinational corporations playing
supportive and technical roles in the privatization spree, follow the
same pattern.
Therefore, the 2015 elections is an important factor for western
imperialism as far as Nigeria’s political economy is concerned. The
latest involvement of western forces (and of course the mad rush to
intervene in the abduction saga) fits into the calculation properly.
Therefore, the idea of using a
military coup – if all other methods prove abortive – to resolve issues,
as 2015 elections draw closer, is a live question. Of course, because of
the general weakness and failure of Nigeria’s armed forces, coupled with
the rotten history of military rule, there will be overwhelming
opposition to military rule. However, the question of further
degeneration of political, social, economic and security situations, may
create a desperate situation that military rule, while may not be
attractive, may be accommodated by a section of not just the political
class but even of the working class – in the absence of a clear-cut
working class alternative and platform. The fatalistic manner in which
western intervention was accommodated gives a glimpse of this. However,
as a result of the divisive (north-south) tendency within the military
itself, resulting in high level of mistrust within its top hierarchy,
military rule can further disintegrate the country. For the working
class and the poor people, the specter of a military coup or
disintegration is a terrible omen, as either of these can only
accentuate to stratospheric degree, the misery and suffering faced by
the working and poor people. The society will only be thrown back.
Rise of Boko Haram
While the northern ruling elites tried to bamboozle their populace with
Shari’a, the wealth accruing to the region was creamed off by the
elites, while they participated in the plundering of the national wealth
at the center. This created a rapidly growing layer of disenchanted
youths, many of whom were jobless, or could hardly make ends meet with
their backbreaking but poorly remunerated jobs. In the absence of a
national working class platform, the anger against the system was
diverted to divisive tendencies, one of which is religious
fundamentalism. Thus, Boko Haram (actually named by its members as
Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad, i.e. People Committed to the
Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad), which was born around
2002, just like many other right-wing populist religious tendencies, fed
on this situation, by campaigning against ostentatious lifestyles and
condemning the rich. They were calling for stricter religious practices,
ostensibly through enforcement, to cleanse the society. To them, the
political elites had become renegades; therefore, stronger religious
practices were needed.
On the other hand, the leaders of these religious sects, looking for
influences and wealth, became pawns in the chessboards of politicians.
Politicians, having seen the popular base of these religious sects,
tried to curtail and exploit them for political ends. Thus, there were
attempts to co-opt and assimilate them. For instance, in Borno,
religious sects were used for elections, while their leaders were
co-opted into the government. During the Ali Modu Sherrif administration
in northern state of Borno (2003-211), a patron of Boko Haram, who was
later murdered by the military during crackdown in 2009, was made a
Commissioner for Religious Affairs. In Kano State, under the Ibrahim
Shekarau administration, religious sects were incorporated into the
local group of para-military law enforcement agency for Shari’a. In
fact, many northern state governments were reported to be paying popular
religious groups subventions.
After elections, many of the religious groups started losing government
and politicians’ patronage. By 2009, Boko Haram, which was a creation of
the politicians, developed more radical followers, who were posing
direct danger to the state, with their open anti-state and hate
campaigns against non-supporters and sometimes violent activities that
usually led to skirmishes with the state. One of such skirmishes, where
the group was disallowed from undertaking some activities, led to the
burning of churches, government buildings and killing of about 20
persons by the Muhammad Yussuf- led Boko Haram. In response, the
military, acting under directive from the then president, Umaru
Yar’Adua, himself a northerner, undertook what could be termed genocide
– killing as much as 700 people in Borno State. Foreign media, such as
Al Jazeera, screened the footage of a horrible scenario in which scores
of people, who were neither investigated nor prosecuted were lined up in
the streets and shot dead by soldiers. The leader of the group himself,
Muhammed Yussuf, was summarily executed by the police.
This actually was the turning point in the rise of the sect. As against
a group that was campaigning for stricter religious practices, to a
group that was campaigning for an Islamic state, Boko Haram developed
into a dreaded and blood-sucking group. As against a group comprising
young men who felt socially neglected, the sect developed into a clearly
retaliatory and revengeful octopus. It was thus easier for the group to
find soul mates across borders, who were also seeking blood. As against
the triumphalism of the Yar’Adua government when the group was repressed
in 2009, well over 4, 000 lives have been wasted by the terror campaign
of the group, and its splinter group, Ansaru, since then.
What is the way forward?
It is important to note that where mass of working and oppressed people are united in their collective struggle against anti-people policies, divisive tendencies of terrorism and fascism are easily subsumed. This is because, as stated earlier, divisive tendencies like terrorism are products of suffering wrought by globalized capitalism. Therefore, only mass movements of working and oppressed people can detach and erode the base of these divisive groups. Throughout the January 2012 protests and strikes against the hike in fuel price in Nigeria, no single bomb was thrown, neither was there any terror attack. However, a day after labor leaders botched the protests; a terror attack, killing scores of people, was carried out in the city of Kano. Indeed, the defeat of sit-tight regimes in the Arab world was not accomplished by bombs but by mass movements of workers, youth and the oppressed. Indeed, where mass movements develop, terror forces are isolated. Therefore, the lukewarm attitude of the Nigeria’s labor movement leadership, and its treacherous support for greater military interventions, are disservice to the struggle to end terror. At the 2013 May Day event, labor leaders at national and state levels collaborated with governments to militarize venues of workers’ rallies. It is not accidental then that May Day witnessed one of the worst terror bomb attack in which more than 70 people were killed at a popular car park in Abuja. Despite this open affront, the labor leaders did not deem it fit to declare a national protest and warning strike. This kind of leadership is surely neck-deep in relationship with the bankrupt, corrupt, neo-colonial capitalist class. Only mass pressure of rank-and-file workers, youths, activists and the Left can force labor leadership to take pro-working people’s action.
Will such self-defense committees not be abused? This is why there is need to put such committees under democratic control of communities, with every household involved in the formation and control of such committees. These committees will be different from the so-called Civilian JTF currently existing in Borno State, which has become an appendage of the deadly military forces, aside not being under democratic control of communities. It is nevertheless important to emphasize that the spontaneous rise of the Civilian JTF (a form of community defense committee), though not on democratic basis, shows the potential for independent organization by working and community people, if there is a national lead. The leadership of the labor movement, youth movement and the Left, in such initiative can make such committee serve as revolutionary platform.
Conclusion
*Kola Ibrahim
‘Studies
on the Impact of Coffee Farmers’ Cooperatives in Abaya, Ethiopia’
Acronyms and Abbreviations:
·
AWCPO
Abaye Woreda Cooperative Promotion Office
·
ECEA
Ethiopia Coffee Export Association
·
AWAARDO Abaya Woreda Agriculture and Rural development Office
·
PA
Peasant Association
·
OCFCU
Oromia Coffee Farmers Cooperative Union
·
OCB
Oromia Cooperative Bank
·
KHG
Kelaltu-Hase-Gola
·
FCA
Federal Cooperative Agency
·
Woreda
District
Background and Statement of the Problem
Over a period of around 150 years, cooperatives
have spread to 100 countries, encompassing various sectors and
activities including agriculture, fishing, housing, banking, insurance,
water, electricity and health care. Cooperatives, as self-advancement
organizations, help members meet their social and economic needs through
the establishment and operation of autonomous, member owned businesses.
These cooperative organizations generate income and employment by
pooling limited resources and reducing individual risk while
simultaneously promoting social integration and cohesion in communities
(Hajela, 1986:15).
In Ethiopia, today, one can observe that
agricultural cooperatives draw strength from the combined economic
potential of their members and their readiness to voluntarily commit
their resources to a common cause. They often help their patron members
get better prices for their products through improved product quality,
careful grading, packaging and sales promotion. Beyond improved prices,
collective action helps lower the cost of farm supplies and the needed
services.
Agricultural cooperatives also have helped
non-member farmers by improving the prices for their products through
direct competition with local traders. As a result, agricultural
cooperatives have lifted the standard of living for members and
non-members across Ethiopia. (FCA, 2006).
Among agricultural cooperatives in Ethiopia, coffee
farmers’ cooperatives have played a significant role in the
socio-economic development of the country in general and coffee growing
areas in particular.
Despite their economic and social importance, lack
of education and training, lack of working capital, poor management, low
member commitment, heavy past-due loans, shortage and misappropriated
money inhibit the impact of cooperatives in the district studied.
Objectives of the study
The specific objectives were to: 1) Assess the economic effect of coffee farmer’s cooperatives in the local area in general and cooperative members in particular.
2) Examine the
extent to which cooperatives are creating job opportunities.
3) Identify the
types of social services provided by coffee farmer’s cooperatives.
4) Examine the
organizational functional structure and the production and marketing
activities pursued by the cooperatives.
5) Identify problems
related to the activities of coffee farmers’ cooperatives.
Significance of the study
Research Methodology
Data analysis and findings of the study
Economic role of coffee
farmers’ cooperatives
The cooperative institution is generally considered
as one of the best-suited institutional arrangements for rural credit
programmes. The coffee farmer’s cooperatives in the study area were
among these institutions which are engaged in supplying
credit service to its
members. The income of
the farmers in the study area was very much dependent on coffee either
through direct sale or profit share/dividend.
Impact of Coffee Farmers Cooperatives in the Socio - Economic Development of the Study Area
Apart from the direct economic role, coffee
farmers’ cooperatives have also contributed a lot in creating job
opportunity, developing human resources, improving education and health
services and constructing and improving rural road in the study area
that has a great impact on the life style of their members. The
cooperative movement is an instrument to correct the imbalances of
social development. It can contribute to the reduction of disparities in
income and wealth and prevent the aggravation of these disparities.
Coffee production
Among these systems of production, garden coffee
and traditional small coffee farming systems are practiced in the Abaya
in general and the study area in particular. This is commonly known as
the best highland coffee grown in Ethiopian. It is an Arabica coffee
with a real spicy flavor (AWAARDO annual report, 2004).
Marketing
Major problems related to the activities of coffee
farmers’ coops
Summary
The members of cooperatives are largely of an older
age. Most of them are married and are followers of the protestant
religion. From the total respondents, about 83.2% are non-migrants,
whereas, 16.8% come from nearby
woredas. The largest ethnic groups of the sampled respondents are
Oromo and Gedeo, which accounts for 93.9% of the total ethnic groups.
The majority of the members of coffee farmers’ cooperatives are at
educational level below primary school, which accounts for about 92.9%
of the total respondents. The household size of the members is also
high. Accordingly, 71.7% of the respondents have more than four children
and/or relatives.
Coffee
farmer’s cooperatives evolved as a consequence of people attempting to
solve complex problems. Their organizational structure is based on
internal and external functions. The internal structure is composed of
members (General Assembly), Board of Directors and cooperative staff.
Each group has its own powers and responsibilities in the respective
cooperatives. In addition to these governing structures, the control
committee, credit committee and production committee are also included
in the internal structure of the cooperatives. The external structure of
coffee farmers’ cooperatives shows the relation that coffee farmers
cooperatives have with other cooperatives either in the district or
other areas of the Oromia region. Accordingly, the cooperatives in the
study area became members of the OCFCU, OCB and Burka-Hora multipurpose
cooperatives. Up until now, only OCFCU has a strong structural
functional relation with the three coffee farmers’ cooperatives. The
Union provides credit services, training opportunity and other related
services for the study area cooperatives.
Coffee marketing by coffee farmers’ cooperatives
takes place both at the local and national level. At local level,
cherries are collected from cooperative members through coffee
purchasing centers that are established at each PA covered by the
cooperatives. Through this channel, the volume of coffee delivered to
the cooperatives has increased over the last five years, but still
remains less than the capacity of cooperatives. The main reasons for
these limitations are lack of working capital, inefficient management,
inefficient transportation system, inefficient use of industry,
pollution of rivers and unfair market competition in the study area.
These problems contributed to the low supply of coffee at the national
market.
Apart from these activities and characteristics,
the socio-economic impact/role of coffee farmers’ cooperatives was also
assessed. In this regard, the three cooperatives in the study area,
Negelle-Gorbitu, Homa & KHG Coffee Farmers Cooperatives have contributed
a good deal to the development of the study area in particular and the
woreda in general. They provide access to credit and a paid
patronage dividend (profit share) based on participation of each of
their members. In addition, they improved the social status of the study
area by generating job opportunities and constructing and repairing a
dry weather road.
Recommendations
1) Coffee farmer’s cooperatives should employ
competent managers to meet the challenge of stiff competition in the
local marketplace. Improvements have been made in two co -ops
(Negelle-Gorbitu and Homa) that have begun to employ a manager on a
contractual basis since 2008. The rest of the cooperatives need to make
similar improvements.
2) Election of cooperative leaders should emphasize
business experience and educational background as part of the
qualifications for those who contest for positions of leadership in the
committee or board.
3) Regular training courses should be given to
improve managerial capacity and to enable them to perform effectively
and efficiently.
4) Money lending organizations (OCFCU, OCB,
Governmental Banks and Burka-Hora multipurpose Cooperative Unions)
should give due attention and immediate response to the loan application
of coffee farmers’ cooperatives.
5) The production methods that have been practiced
by coffee farmers are traditional. Significant number of farmers could
not stump and prune their coffee. As a result of this, coffee trees are
not in a position to bear and give their maximum yield. Therefore,
AWAARDO should consider this issue as a major problem of coffee farmers
and design a strategy to tackle the problem as, for example, through
providing education and training related to coffee tree management
practices. In addition, Coffee farmers cooperatives and the OCFCU should
supply the necessary farming tools (for instance, pruning scissors) and
improved varieties of coffee from research centers,
to the farmers,
with reasonable prices on a
credit basis. To achieve this properly, the OCFCU should link to an
agronomy department and emphasize the production side of the supply
chain. If there is no production there is no marketing.
6) To connect all the areas and to supply the
coffee products in time, construction of all-weather roads by
cooperatives, governmental and non-governmental bureaus is advisable.
7) Due to the disposal of pollutants from coffee
industries, rivers and streams are polluted. The users of the water
bodies are regularly suffering from infectious disease. Because of this
coffee farmers’ cooperatives are sometimes forced to stop their
activities. So to solve this problem the wet mill industry owners
(merchants) must not dump industry waste in local water bodies or, if it
is discharged, it has to be pre-treated. They must prepare a proper
dumping site. AWAARDO should give due attention to the implementation of
this rule.
8) The market activities pursued by cooperatives
and investors should equally go side by side with the existing rule of
coffee marketing at the local level. AWAARDO should give due attention
to the implementation of this rule and thereby create a conducive market
environment in the study area.
9) Inspite of better services rendered and the
potential of the organizations, the number of members that have access
to the credit services of the cooperatives are insignificant compared to
those who needed credit to improve their well-being. Therefore, they
should increase and widen their loan size and services so that many
people could gain access to such provisions. In this regard, Government
and NGOs should support Coffee farmers’ cooperatives.
10) Cooperatives should adopt new methodologies for
loan review, disbursement and the collection process that differ could
provide access to further loans for reliable customers with a history of
excellent loan repayment.
*Contact info: Beyenedesta2005@yahoo.com | ||||
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