Vol. XIX, Issue 4 (Fall 2012): 'Adwa, Ethiopia as a World Heritage Site', 'The Top Ten African Films in 2011', 'Building a Historiography of African Women in Cinema', 'U.S. Foreign Policy and Africa: The Obama Era' |
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BOARD: Gloria Emeagwali Walton Brown-Foster Haines Brown ISSN 1526-7822 REGIONAL EDITORS: Olayemi Akinwumi
TECHNICAL ADVISOR: Jennifer Nicoletti
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Table of Contents
Editorial
Professor Ayele Bekerie of Mekelle University,
Ethiopia, argues thatAdwa, Ethiopia, the site associated with the
historic battle fought between the invading Italian forces and Ethiopian
troops should be adopted as a World Heritage Site.We are informed of
some of the existing gaps in the World Heritage system in the course of
the article. Two of the articles in this issue focus on African Cinema.
One of the prominent scholars in the field, Beti Ellerson, reflects on
some of the recent organizational activities spearheaded by women.
She also informs us of an expanding list of
African female cinematographers and filmmakers between 2000 and 2011.
Basia
L. Cummings briefly focuses on some of the top productions by both males
and females in 2011. We conclude with an illuminating piece by Nick
Turse on aspects of U.S Foreign Policy towards Africa during the current
Obama administration. We are hoping to have a critique of Turse’s
article in the Winter Issue of
Africa Update. Professor Gloria Emeagwali
'Adwa,
Ethiopia as a World Heritage Site' Ethiopia was brought to the world’s
attention in 1896 when an African country defeated Italy, a modern
European country, at the battle of Adwa. The 116th Year anniversary of
the victory was celebrated on March 1st in Ethiopia. This year I was
fortunate enough to celebrate the victory in Adwa by attending the fifth
annual conference on the history and meaning of the Battle of Adwa. The
event was also celebrated throughout the world.
Adwa stands for human dignity, freedom and independence. As such
its significance is universal and its story should be told repeatedly.
Its narrative ought to be embraced by young and old, men and women. The
battleground at Adwa should
be listed as a World Heritage. To Teshale Tibebu, “the Battle of Adwa
was the largest battle between European imperialism and African
resistance.” According to Donald Levine, “the Battle of Adwa qualifies
as a historic event which represented the first time since the beginning
of European imperial expansion that a non - white nation had defeated a
European power.” The historic event brought or signaled the beginning of
the end of the colonial world order, and a movement to an anti-colonial
world order. It was a victory of an African army in
the true sense of the word. The Battle was planned and executed by
African generals and intelligence officers led by Emperor Menelik II,
who was born, brought up, and educated in Ethiopia. It was a brilliant
and indigenous strategy that put a check to the colonial aims and
objectives, which were originally conceived and agreed upon at the
Berlin Conference of 1885. European strategy to carve Africa into
external and exclusive spheres of influence was halted by Emperor
Menelik II and Empress Taitu Betul at the Battle of Adwa. The Europeans
had no choice but to recognize this African (not European) power. Universality of the Victory at the
Battle of Adwa The African world celebrated and
embraced this historic victory. In the preface to the book An
Introduction to African Civilizations With Main Currents in Ethiopian
History, Huggins and Jackson write: “In Ethiopia, the military genius of
Menelik II was in the best tradition of Piankhi, the great ruler of
ancient Egypt and Nubia or ancient Ethiopia, who drove out the Italians
in 1896 and maintained the liberties of that ancient free empire of
Black men.” Huggins and Jackson analyzed the victory not only in terms
of its significance to the postcolonial African world, but also in terms
of its linkage to the tradition of ancient African glories and
victories. Emperor Menelik II used his “magic
wand” to draw all, the diverse and voluntary patriots from virtually the
entire parts of the country, into a battlefield called Adwa. And in less
than six hours, the enemy was decisively defeated. The overconfident and
never to be defeated European army fell under the great military
strategy of an African army. The strategy was what the Ethiopians call
afena, an Ethiopian version of blitzkrieg that encircles the enemy and
cuts its head. Italians failed to match the British and the French in
establishing a colonial empire in Africa. In fact, by their humiliating
defeat, the Italians made the British and the French colonizers jittery.
The colonial subjects became re - energized to resist the colonial
empire builders. Adwa and Ethiopia’s Nationhood Adwa irreversibly broadened the true
boundaries of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. People of the south and the
north, the east and the west, fought and defeated the Italian army. In
the process, a new Ethiopia was born. Adwa shows what can be achieved when
united forces work for a common goal. Adwa brought the best out of many
forces that were accustomed to waging battles against each other. Forces
of destruction and division ceased their endless squabbles and redirect
their united campaign against the common enemy. They chose to redefine
themselves as one and unequivocally expressed their rejection of
colonialism. They came together in search of freedom or the preservation
and expansion of the freedom at hand. In other words, Adwa offers the
most dramatic instance of trans-ethnic cooperation. Leadership Emperor Menelik II could have kept the
momentum by reforming his government and by allowing the many forces to
continue participating in the making of a modern and good for all state.
Emperor Menelik II, however, chose to return back to the status quo, a
status of exploitative relationship between the few who controlled the
land and the vast majority of the agrarian farmers. It took another
almost eighty years to dismantle the yoke of feudalism from the backs of
the vast majority of the Ethiopian farmers. As far as Emperor Menelik’s challenge
to and reversal of colonialism in Ethiopia is concerned, his
accomplishment was historic and an indisputable fact. It is precisely
this brilliant and decisive victory against the European colonial army
that has inspired the colonized and the oppressed throughout the world
to forge ahead and fight against their colonial masters. Menelik’s rapprochement, on the other
hand, with the three colonial powers in the region may have saved his
monarchial power, but the policy ended up hurting the whole region. The
seeds of division sown by the colonizers, in part, continue to wreck the
region apart. Realizing the need to completely
remove all the colonizers as an effective and lasting way to bring peace
and prosperity in the region, the grandson of the Emperor, Lij Iyassu
attempted to carve an anti-colonial policy. He began to send arms to
freedom fighters in Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia. He entered into a
treaty of peace and cooperation with the Austrians, the Germans and the
Turks against the British, Italians and the French. Unfortunately, the
rule of Lij Iyassu was short-lived. The tri-partite powers colluded with
the then Tafari Makonnen to successfully remove him from power. Adwa symbolizes the aspirations and
hopes of all oppressed people. Adwa catapulted Pan-Africanism into the
realm of the possible by re - igniting the imaginations of Africans in
their quest for freedom throughout the world. Adwa foreshadowed the
outcome of the anti-colonial struggle in Africa and elsewhere. Adwa is
about cultural resistance; it is about reaffirmation of African ways.
Adwa was possible not simply because of brilliant and courageous
leadership, but also because of the people’s willingness to defend their
motherland, regardless of ethnic, linguistic and religious differences. Call for the Registry of the Battle of
Adwa as World Heritage A World Heritage Site is a site of
‘cultural and/or natural significance.’ It is also a site so
exceptional, according to UNESCO, as to transcend national boundaries
and to be of common importance for present and future generations of all
humanity. The 1896 final Battle of Adwa and the successive preceding
battles at sites, such as Mekelle between Ethiopia and Italy qualify, we
argue, as World Heritage Sites. The victory achieved at the Battle of
Adwa set the stage for international relations among nations on the
basis of mutuality, reciprocity and transparency. Decolonization in
Africa began with a victory against Italian colonial aggression in the
Horn of Africa. The Battle of Adwa was a global
historic event, for it was a battle heroically and victoriously fought
against colonialism and for freedom. It was a battle that stopped the
colonial aggressions of Europeans in Africa. It was a battle that taught
an unforgettable lesson to Europeans. They were reminded that they might
co-exist or work with Africans, Asians or Americans, but could not
dominate them or exploit their resources indefinitely. Domination gives
rise to resistance and the Battle of Adwa made it clear that domination
or aggression could be decisively defeated. The mountains of Adwa, the mountains
of Abi Adi Worq Amba and the hills of Mekelle ought to be marked as
natural historic sites and, therefore, together with the battlefield,
they should be protected, conserved and promoted in the context of their
historic importance and significance for ecological tourism. Background on UNESCO World Heritage
Sites: At present, 900 sites are on the World
Heritage list. Only 9% of the World Heritage sites are in Africa, while
50% of them are in Europe and North America. While Ethiopia succeeded in
having only nine World Heritage sites, Italy has registered 43 sites so
far. In Africa, the Battlefields of South Africa have registered among
the World Heritage sites. Several battlefields are registered throughout
the world, and throughout history, and it is time that sites associated
with Adwa are included in the list. Adwa was a story of common purpose and
common destiny. The principles established on the battlefield of Adwa
must be understood and embraced for Africa to remain centered in its own
histories, cultures and socio-economic development. We should always
remember that Adwa was won for Africans. Adwa indeed is an African model
of victory and resistance. As Levine puts it: “Adwa remains the most
outstanding symbol of the ‘mysterious magnetism’ that holds Ethiopia
together.” It is our contention that the Battle
of Adwa was a battle that paved the way for a world of justice, mutual
respect and co-existence. The Battle of Adwa was a battle for human
dignity and therefore its story should be universally recognized and be
told again and again. Registering the Battle will ensure the dynamic
dispersion of its narrative in all the discourses of the world. The lessons of the Battle of Adwa
ought to be inculcated in the minds of young people so that they would
be able to appreciate humanity as one without hierarchy. The Battle of
Adwa reminds the young people that no force is powerful enough to impose
its will against another people. Ethiopians, despite their disadvantage
in modern weaponry, decisively defeated the Italian Army at the Battle
of Adwa. Adwa enshrines freedom. See also Tadias Magazine. http://www.tadias.com/03/01/2012/ethiopia-call-for-the-registry-of-adwa-as-world-heritage/is Dr. Ayele Bekerie is an Associate
Professor at Mekelle University, Ethiopia.
2011 was a good year for African cinema. In various
cinema seats and at home, I’ve been intrigued and moved, horrified and
sickened, surprised and hugely entertained by a group of industries that
together we call ‘African cinema’ — a sign that what can be expected is
anything but stereotypical. In the list below, I’ve chosen films that
have expanded what we might think of as ‘African cinema’. Some short
films, some documentary, some fiction, some a strange mix of them all. However, the films that are not listed are perhaps
the most powerful ones of the year; those captured on mobile phones and
camcorders during critical moments in uprisings, revolutions and
elections that have continued to broaden our grasp on the lives and
experiences of those whose lives are not yet captured by cinema. This is
a new kind of viewing, and one, which I think, will continue to
transform the aesthetic, narratives and distribution of African film in
2012. Some of these films were released in 2010, but gained
theatrical release or wider audiences
in 2011, so I’ve included them, too. In each case its trailer
accompanies a description of the film. A Screaming Man. Director Mahamat Saleh Haroun.
Starring Youssouf Djaoro, Diouc Koma. Chad, 2010, 92 mins A subtle and masterful story of a father and sons
relationship, set against the backdrop of the ongoing civil war in Chad.
Filmed around the glittering edges of a hotel swimming pool threatened
by the outside world, Haroun’s characteristic wit and tender approach to
filming continues his themes of war, fatherhood and family life. Dirty Laundry. Dir. Stephen Abbott. Starring Bryan
van Niekerk, James Ngcobo, Carl Beukes. South Africa, 2011, 16 mins Roger has a tough time when he shows up to the Wishy
Washy at 1am, and begins to separate ‘his whites from his coloreds’. A
fantastic short film, a microcosm of the acerbic wit and humor evident
in much post-Apartheid cinema. The Athlete. Dir. Rasselas Lakew and Davey Frankel.
Starring Rasselas Lakew. Ethiopia/USA, 2009, 93 mins Melding breathtaking archival footage with live
action, this is the extraordinary story of the triumphs and tragedies of
a man considered by many to be the greatest long-distance runner in
history: Ethiopian marathon runner Abebe Bikila. Blood in the Mobile. Dir. Frank Piasecki Poulsen.
Denmark/DRC, 2010, 82 mins Are you reading this on your phone? Poulsen’s
documentary is engrossing and hard-hitting as it implicates all of us –
through our addiction to our mobile phones – in the civil war in eastern
Congo. Poulsen sets out to reveal the source of ‘conflict minerals’,
which he suspects are used in the world’s largest mobile phone company,
Nokia. Corporate inhumanity turns out to be just as terrifying as the
heart of civil war, a different devil, which Poulsen shows in this
fantastic and brave documentary. Drexciya. Dir. Akosua Adoma Owusu. US/Ghana, 2011, 12
mins Drexciya refers to an underwater subcontinent where
the unborn children of pregnant African women thrown off slave ships
have adapted to breathe underwater. Poetic, eerie and stunning, an
experimental short, a portrait of an abandoned Olympic sized swimming
pool in Accra, Ghana, set on “The Riviera” – Ghana’s first pleasure
beach. Microphone. Dir. Ahmad Abdalla. Starring Khaled Abol
Naga. Egypt, 2010, 120 mins Released in cinemas in January 2011, nobody in Egypt
saw this film, something that Khaled Abol Naga — the lead actor and
co-producer of the film — is thrilled about. Instead, Egypt was in
revolution. This fantastic film is part fiction, part documentary, a
love letter to the underground arts scene in Alexandria. From hip hop
rappers to mournful accordion players, graffiti artists and
skateboarders, it is a vibrant, funny and brave snapshot of the world of
art that happens beneath the radar of an ambivalent police state. Witches of Gambaga. Dir. Yaba Badoe. Ghana/UK, 2011,
55 mins A courageous, intimate exposé follows, over the
course of five years, the experiences of some women branded as ‘witches’
by their communities, ostracised and condemned to leave their families,
to live in ‘Gambaga’. Death determined by way a chicken dies, Badoe’s
film tenderly and courageously exposes the moment where belief and
ritual cover horror and prejudice. No More Fear. Dir. Mourad Ben Cheikh. Tunisia, 2011,
72 mins The first feature-length documentary about the
Tunisian revolution, “No More Fear” was selected for a special screening
at Cannes this year. The film brings together news footage of the
demonstrations with a variety of players in the revolution, providing a
diverse picture of the groundswell that rose up to topple the
dictatorial regime. It is passionate, raw, and immediate. It shows a
revolution pushed forward by the young, who overcame the population’s
long-ingrained fear. (Good to watch with Microphone, for an ‘Arab
Spring’ night.) Viva Riva! Dir. Djo Munga. Starring Patsha Bay, Manie
Malone, Diplome Amekindra. 2010, 98 min. I’m including this, not because I thought it was
particularly fantastic, but because it was a triumph in the harsh world
of theatrical release for an African film. It gained pretty widespread
distribution in the UK with Metrodome, and for a Congolese genre piece —
a dark noir full of guns, sex and money — it did quite well. It is good,
entertaining viewing. Pumzi. Dir. Wanuri Kahiu. Starring Kudzani Moswela,
Nicole Bailey, Chantelle Burger. Kenya 2009, 20 mins. African sci-fi. First published in ‘allafrica.com’ December 20, 2011
Sarah
Maldoror famously asserts, African women must be everywhere. They must
be in the images, behind the camera, in the editing room and involved in
every stage of the making of a film. They must be the ones to talk about
their problems.[1] Extending Maldoror’s assertion to women in front of
the screen as cultural readers, they must also be present in all areas
of discourse as scholars, critics and theorists of African women in
cinema studies. They must be the ones to talk about the vital role that
women in cinema play in creating, shaping and determining the course of
their cinematic history and the knowledge that it produces.
The African Women in Cinema
Project that I initiated in 1997, culminated with the book and film
Sisters of the Screen, a title
that envisioned a veritable screen culture in which the moving image
visualised on myriad screen environments from white cloth to movie
screen, television set, computer monitor, inflatable domitron and now
mobile phone, tablet and diverse emerging media could be the meeting
point for African women in cinema to tell their stories. Moreover, the
title contemplated an imaginary community where African women’s
experiences of cinema may be shared, analysed, documented, historicised,
and archived. Following the release of the
book and film, the Project developed into the Centre for the Study and
Research of African women in cinema tracing the trajectory of women as
they circulate within evolving screen cultures, mapping a historiography
of strategic moments and a timeline of key events, as well as analysing
trends and tendencies. The Centre’s organising principle is based on two
key elements: the work of the pan-African organisation of women
professionals of the moving image created in 1991, now known as
the Association of Professional
African Women in Cinema, Television and Video/ Association des Femmes
Africaines Professionnelles du Cinéma, de la Télévision et de la Vidéo,
and the experiences of these individual women recounted in interviews,
speeches, artists intentions, mission statements, and in their work.
Drawing from the objectives of the organisation: to provide a forum for
women to share and exchange their experiences, to formulate mechanisms
for continued dialogue and exchange, this formulation may extend to the
realm of historiography for which an infrastructure may be developed to
assemble the disparate parts.
The year 2011 marked the 20-year anniversary of the
historic conference in Ouagadougou on African women film professionals
during which an organized movement was born, putting forth the ground
rules for an infrastructure to represent and promote their interests.
The fruits of these efforts are particularly visible in the institutions
that form the future generations of film professionals. As women’s
discourse plays an increasingly important role in global dialogue,
especially via the Internet and new technologies, an infrastructure for
research on African women in cinema studies is imperative. At the same
time that digital technologies emerge as key to such a vast endeavor, it
is a daunting task in a continent where the digital divide continues to
widen. The myriad political, social and cultural
environments of African women in the audio-visual media provide the
context for the analysis of current discourse on gender and cinema and
its role in cultural policy development; the examination of the various
networks that contribute to women’s expanding roles in cinema; the
exploration of theoretical questions by African women, and critical
perspectives that demonstrate African women’s contributions in cinema
through pedagogy for mass communication and consciousness raising, all
of which as an ensemble, connect theory, practice, research and
scholarship with activism and community outreach.
While there is potentially a great deal of
intellectual capital and resources for research, theory-building and
dialogue, women’s film history as an academic entity is at present
primarily within the boundaries of western institutions, often deemed as
research for research sake from an African point of view, and is not
generally viewed as a necessity as other issues prove more pressing. On
the other hand, film-screening debates have long been a practice
throughout the continent. Moreover, cinema as an instrument for
community participation and involvement is an increasingly widespread
phenomenon. In general, the non-written medias of radio, television and
film have always generated dialogue and possibilities for discourse.
Nonetheless, academic and activist communities in Africa do coalesce
around cultural policy issues, the role of cinema as a tool for
consciousness-raising, and the importance of women cultural producers as
agents of change. Hence, conferences, seminars and organised debates
bring together women across disciplines, from diverse sectors and
regions, and as more women filmmakers join academic and film
departments, this bond is increasingly strengthening. A historiography of African
women in cinema necessitates an active, protracted, ongoing practice of
data collection, organisation, analysis, documentation, and archival
work- an
activity that entails coordinated, committed, and sustained efforts,
though not necessarily centralised. The organising principles of the
pan-African organisation of women professionals of the moving image laid
out the groundwork for such a continent-wide initiative and the
conceptual framework has been embedded in myriad initiatives especially
on the local levels. It is on this level that women are the most
familiar with needs and concerns on the ground, in the community, and
the local and state policies needed to implement them. On the other
hand, women on the local level are the least likely to have the
resources and the broad-ranging connections to participate in the
outreach necessary to benefit from a larger community of women
regionally and continentally, which is not to say that there are no
efforts towards this objective.
And while Kenyan Anne Mungai, the coordinator for the
East Africa region in the 1990s lamented the lack of financial and
personal resources to devote to these efforts, she implored women to
strive forward nonetheless. However, with the far-reaching potential for
coalescing and networking via the Internet and new media technologies in
the 2000s onward, the gap has yet to narrow. While projects that include
women continent-wide do exist, notably at FESPACO (Pan-African Film
Festival of Ouagadougou) and (Federation of African Filmmakers)
FEPACI-sponsored initiatives, activities continue to be linguistically
based, with the languages of communication in English or French, often
at the exclusion of one or the other, a concern of the pan-African women
of the moving image organisation from its beginning.
Among these many endeavours,
to highlight film festival initiatives emphasises the important role
that the film festival has played in promotion, exhibition, marketing,
and training and its potential as local and regional conduits around
which women may interconnect continentally and globally. As it is at the
same time a meeting place for pitching, networking, workshopping and
sharing ideas, it is often a pivotal space where African women
continent-wide may gather and meet. These initiatives spanning twenty
years demonstrate the advocacy role that African women in cinema take on
to create the requisite infrastructures for promoting African cultural
production: Sierra Leonean Mahen Bonetti, founder and president of the
influential New York Film Festival
has forged an important Diaspora network since 1993 recently creating
cultural projects in her home country. The creation of
Women Filmmakers of Zimbabwe (WFOZ) in 1996 ushered in a network of
prolific Zimbabwean women in cinema. Notably, the
International Images Film Festival for Women (IIFF) launched in
2002, the oldest women’s festival on the continent, founded by
Zimbabwean Tsitsi Dangarembga, of which WFOZ is the parent organisation
and the initiator of the
Distinguished Woman in African Cinema Award in 2009. In 1998,
Ivoirien actor-producer Hanny Tchelly established the
Festival International du Court
Métrage d’Abidjan-FICA (the International Festival of Short Films of
Abidjan). In the same year, Burkinabè actress Georgette Paré
initiated Casting Sud, a
pan-African casting agency to promote African actors. To note,
l’Association des Actrices
Africaines/the Association of African Actresses had already been
created in 1989. The South African-based
Women of the Sun organisation
a resource-exchange network of African women filmmakers launched in
2000, inspired several other projects in the region, notably, the
African Women Filmmakers Awards in 2003, and in 2004, the
African Women Film Festival.
Nigerian Amaka Igwe’s BOB TV, the Best of the Best African Film and TV Programmes Market and
Expo inaugurated the next year, has as objective to offer a
continental platform for African practitioners of the moving image. The
African Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) also an initiative from Nigeria,
established in 2005 by Peace Anyiam-Osigwe, highlights the significance
of African cinema by providing a platform for recognition and
celebration. The African in Motion (AIM) Film Festival of Edinburgh
founded by South African Lizelle Bischoff in 2006 emerges as one of the
most important festivals of African films in the UK. In 2007 a portion
of the festival was dedicated to African women and since 2012, Cape
Verdean Isabel Moura Mendes has served as director.
The Festival International du Documentaire of Agadir in Morocco,
founded in 2008 by the late Nouzha Drissi who died tragically in 2011,
is the first festival devoted exclusively to documentaries.
Festivals des 7 Quartiers, the itinerant film festival of
Brazzaville founded in 2008 by Nadège Batou, honoured the women
filmmakers of the Congo and elsewhere during the 3rd edition in 2010.
Cameroonian Evodie Ngueyeli has taken the baton as chief representative
of MisMeBinga,
International Women’s Film
Festival of Yaoundé created in 2009. A key objective of the
Malawi International Film Festival
created by Villant Ndasowa also in 2009 is to pioneer the film industry
in Malawi by sourcing and providing training to talented Malawians. In
the same year, Mariem mint Beyrouk formed the
Association of Mauritanian Women
of the Image as a means to raise women’s consciousness about women
in general, issues around health, female genital cutting, marriage of
adolescent girls, among others. In addition, their hope is to organise
festivals and meetings with other women throughout the continent.
At the start of the second
decade of the new millennium several festival-related projects were
launched in Africa and the diaspora:
View Images Film Festival, an
undertaking by Zambian Musola Cathrine Kaseketi, founder of
Vilole Images Productions, created a space to celebrate through the
art of film, the abilities of all women, and particularly to integrate
women with disabilities. Images That Matter International Film Festival of Ethiopia founded
by Madji-da Abdi has a main objective to expose the Ethiopian public to
local and international films, especially by utilising subtitles in
Amharic, the national language. Kenyan Wanjiku wa Ngugi founder of
Helsinki African Film Festival wants to show the diversity of the
African continent to the Finnish public in order to have a conversation
informed by Africans themselves thus giving a more realistic view of
their realities. Similarly, Norwegian-Ghanaian Lamisi Gurah founded
FilmAfrikana in order to
expose the Norwegian public to films by people of Africa and the African
Diaspora by providing a different perspective that counters the dominant
media portrayals of a helpless, war-ravaged, disease-ridden continent.
Nigerian Adaobi Obiegbosi’s desire to create a continental platform for
African film students to share their work and ideas inspired the
creation of the African Student Film Festival (ASFF) in 2012. These film festivals and
meeting places, both women-focused spaces and general milieu created by
women have mechanisms set in place for the kinds of activities necessary
for the organisation, analysis and archiving of information, as the
events, meetings and activities are often recorded and filmed,
biographies, artists’ statements and filmographies amassed and
newsletters and catalogues and directories published, all foundational
components for the acquisition of resources and data collections.
These initiatives demonstrate the genuine
effort to globalise the experiences of African women in cinema and their
potential as information-gathering strategies, for opening avenues for
access to informational networks and for creating archival sources for
research and consultation. Here are some of the women filmmakers from the
continent since 2000: 2000 Raja Amari | Tunisia. Satin Rouge. 35mm, color, 91
mn., fiction. 2001 *Maji-da Abdi | Ethiopia (France). The River Between
Us. 26 mn., doc. 2002 Mariam Abu Ouf | Egypt. Sleep Talk. 2003 *Kamla Abu Zekri | Egypt. Regard vers le ciel. 10 mn.
fiction. 2004 Mariam Abu Ouf | Egypt. Girl Trap. 2005 Kamla Abu Zekri | Egypt. Pile ou Face (Malek wala
ketaba), 86 mn. fiction. 2006 Kamla Abu Zekri | Egypt. L’amour et la passion. 95
mn., fiction. 2007 Gilli Apter | South Africa. Joseph. 2008 *Yasmina Adi | France | Algeria . L’autre 8 mai | The
Other 8th of May, doc. 2009 Dami Akinnusi (UK) Malcolm's Echo: The Legacy of
Malcolm X. 2010 Angela Aquereburu | France | Togo. Zem. Television
series Canal + Afrique. 2011 Yasmina Adi
| Algeria. Ici, on noie les algériens/
Here, we drown Algerians. Doc., 90 mn.
See also
www.africanwomenincinema.org July 12, 2012
They call it the New Spice Route, an
homage to the medieval trade network that connected Europe, Africa, and
Asia, even if today’s “spice road” has nothing to do with cinnamon,
cloves, or silks. Instead,
it’s a superpower’s superhighway, on which trucks and ships shuttle
fuel, food, and military equipment through a growing maritime and ground
transportation infrastructure to a network of supply depots, tiny camps,
and airfields meant to service a fast-growing U.S. military presence in
Africa.Few in the U.S. know about this superhighway, or about the dozens
of training missions and joint military exercises being carried out in
nations that most Americans couldn’t locate on a map.
Even fewer have any idea that military officials are invoking the
names of Marco Polo and the Queen of Sheba as they build a bigger
military footprint in Africa.
It’s all happening in the shadows of what in a previous imperial
age was known as “the Dark Continent.” In East African ports, huge metal
shipping containers arrive with the everyday necessities for a military
on the make. They’re then
loaded onto trucks that set off down rutted roads toward dusty bases and
distant outposts.On the highway from Djibouti to Ethiopia, for example,
one can see the bare outlines of this shadow war at the truck stops
where local drivers take a break from their long-haul routes.
The same is true in other African countries.
The nodes of the network tell part of the story: Manda Bay,
Garissa, and Mombasa in Kenya; Kampala and Entebbe in Uganda; Bangui and
Djema in the Central African Republic; Nzara in South Sudan; Dire Dawa
in Ethiopia; and the Pentagon’s showpiece African base, Camp Lemonnier,
in Djibouti on the coast of the Gulf of Aden, among others. According to
Pat Barnes, a spokesman for U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), Camp
Lemonnier serves as the only official U.S. base on the continent.
“There are more than 2,000 U.S. personnel stationed there,” he
told TomDispatch recently by email.
“The primary AFRICOM organization at Camp Lemonnier is Combined
Joint Task Force — Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA). CJTF-HOA’s efforts are
focused in East Africa and they work with partner nations to assist them
in strengthening their defense capabilities.”Barnes also noted that
Department of Defense personnel are assigned to U.S. embassies across
Africa, including 21 individual Offices of Security Cooperation
responsible for facilitating military-to-military activities with
“partner nations.” He
characterized the forces involved as small teams carrying out pinpoint
missions. Barnes did admit
that in “several locations in Africa, AFRICOM has a small and temporary
presence of personnel. In all cases, these military personnel are guests
within host-nation facilities, and work alongside or coordinate with
host-nation personnel.” Shadow Wars In 2003, when CJTF-HOA was first set
up there, it was indeed true that the only major U.S. outpost in Africa
was Camp Lemonnier. In the
ensuing years, in quiet and largely unnoticed ways, the Pentagon and the
CIA have been spreading their forces across the continent.
Today — official designations aside — the U.S. maintains a
surprising number of bases in Africa.
And “strengthening” African armies turns out to be a truly
elastic rubric for what’s going on.Under President Obama, in fact,
operations in Africa have accelerated far beyond the more limited
interventions of the Bush years: last year’s war in Libya; a regional
drone campaign with missions run out of airports and bases in Djibouti,
Ethiopia, and the Indian Ocean archipelago nation of Seychelles; a
flotilla of 30 ships in that ocean supporting regional operations; a
multi-pronged military and CIA campaign against militants in Somalia,
including intelligence operations, training for Somali agents, a secret
prison, helicopter attacks, and U.S. commando raids; a massive influx of
cash for counterterrorism operations across East Africa; a possible
old-fashioned air war, carried out on the sly in the region using manned
aircraft; tens of millions of dollars in arms for allied mercenaries and
African troops; and a special ops expeditionary force (bolstered by
State Department experts) dispatched to help capture or kill Lord’s
Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony and his senior commanders.
And this only begins to scratch the surface of Washington’s
fast-expanding plans and activities in the region. To support these mushrooming missions,
near-constant training operations, and alliance-building joint
exercises, outposts of all sorts are sprouting continent-wide, connected
by a sprawling shadow logistics network.
Most American bases in Africa are still small and austere, but
growing ever larger and more permanent in appearance.
For example, photographs from last year of Ethiopia’s Camp
Gilbert, examined by TomDispatch, show a base filled with
air-conditioned tents, metal shipping containers, and 55-gallon drums
and other gear strapped to pallets, but also recreation facilities with
TVs and videogames, and a well-appointed gym filled with stationary
bikes, free weights, and other equipment. Continental Drift After 9/11, the U.S. military moved
into three major regions in significant ways: South Asia (primarily
Afghanistan), the Middle East (primarily Iraq), and the Horn of Africa.
Today, the U.S. is drawing down in Afghanistan and has largely
left Iraq. Africa, however,
remains a growth opportunity for the Pentagon.The U.S. is now involved,
directly and by proxy, in military and surveillance operations against
an expanding list of regional enemies.
They include al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in North Africa; the
Islamist movement Boko Haram in Nigeria; possible al-Qaeda-linked
militants in post-Qaddafi Libya; Joseph Kony’s murderous Lord’s
Resistance Army (LRA) in the Central African Republic, Congo, and South
Sudan; Mali’s Islamist Rebels of the Ansar Dine, al-Shabaab in Somalia;
and guerrillas from al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula across the Gulf of
Aden in Yemen. A recent investigation by the
Washington Post revealed that contractor-operated surveillance aircraft
based out of Entebbe, Uganda, are scouring the territory used by Kony’s
LRA at the Pentagon’s behest, and that 100 to 200 U.S. commandos share a
base with the Kenyan military at Manda Bay. Additionally, U.S. drones
are being flown out of Arba Minch airport in Ethiopia and from the
Seychelles Islands in the Indian Ocean, while drones andF-15
fighter-bombers have been operating out of Camp Lemonnier as part of the
shadow wars being waged by the U.S. military and the CIA in Yemen and
Somalia. Surveillance planes
used for spy missions over Mali, Mauritania, and the Sahara desert are
also flying missions from Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso, and plans are
reportedly in the works for a similar base in the newborn nation of
South Sudan.U.S. special operations forces are stationed at a string of
even more shadowy forward operating posts on the continent, including
one in Djema in the Central Africa Republic and others in Nzara in South
Sudan and Dungu in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The U.S. also has had troops deployed in Mali, despite having
officially suspended military relations with that country following a
coup. According to research by TomDispatch, the U.S. Navy also has a
forward operating location, manned mostly by Seabees, Civil Affairs
personnel, and force-protection troops, known as Camp Gilbert in Dire
Dawa, Ethiopia. U.S.
military documents indicate that there may be other even lower-profile
U.S. facilities in the country.
In addition to Camp Lemonnier, the U.S. military also maintains
another hole-and-corner outpost in Djibouti — a Navy port facility that
lacks even a name. AFRICOM
did not respond to requests for further information on these posts
before this article went to press. Additionally, U.S. Special Operations
Forces areengaged in missions against the Lord’s Resistance Army from a
rugged camp in Obo in the Central African Republic, but little is said
about that base either.
“U.S. military personnel working with regional militaries in the hunt
for Joseph Kony are guests of the African security forces comprising the
regional counter-LRA effort,” Barnes told me.
“Specifically in Obo, the troops live in a small camp and work
with partner nation troops at a Ugandan facility that operates at the
invitation of the government of the Central African Republic.”And that’s
still just part of the story.
U.S. troops are also working at bases inside Uganda.
Earlier this year, elite Force Recon Marines from the Special
Purpose Marine Air Ground Task Force 12 (SPMAGTF-12) trained soldiers
from the Uganda People’s Defense Force, which not only runs missions in
the Central African Republic, but also acts as a proxy force for the
U.S. in Somalia in the battle against the Islamist militants known as
al-Shabaab. They now supply
the majority of the troops to the African Union Mission protecting the
U.S.-supported government in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. In the spring, Marines from SPMAGTF-12
also trained soldiers from the Burundi National Defense Force (BNDF),
the second-largest contingent in Somalia.
In April and May, members of Task Force Raptor, 3rd Squadron,
124th Cavalry Regiment, of the Texas National Guard took part in a
training mission with the BNDF in Mudubugu, Burundi.In February,
SPMAGTF-12 sent trainers to Djibouti to work with an elite local army
unit, while other Marines traveled to Liberia to focus on teaching
riot-control techniques to Liberia’s military as part of what is
otherwise a State Department-directed effort to rebuild that force.In
addition, the U.S. is conducting counterterrorism training and equipping
militaries in Algeria, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, Niger, and
Tunisia. AFRICOM also has 14
major joint-training exercises planned for 2012, including operations in
Morocco, Cameroon, Gabon, Botswana, South Africa, Lesotho, Senegal, and
Nigeria.The size of U.S. forces conducting these joint exercises and
training missions fluctuates, but Barnes told me that, “on an average
basis, there are approximately 5,000 U.S. Military and DoD personnel
working across the continent” at any one time.
Next year, even more American troops are likely to be on hand as
units from the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 1st Infantry Division, known as
the “Dagger Brigade,” are scheduled to deploy to the region.
The roughly 3,000 soldiers in the brigade will be involved in,
among other activities, training missions while acquiring regional
expertise. “Special Forces
have a particular capability in this area, but not the capacity to
fulfill the demand; and we think we will be able to fulfill the demand
by using conventional forces,” Colonel Andrew Dennis told a reporter
about the deployment. Air Africa Last month, the Washington
Postrevealed that, since at least 2009, the “practice of hiring private
companies to spy on huge expanses of African territory… has been a
cornerstone of the U.S. military’s secret activities on the continent.”
Dubbed Tusker Sand, the project consists of contractors flying
from Entebbe airport in Uganda and a handful of other airfields.
They pilot turbo-prop planes that look innocuous but are packed
with sophisticated surveillance gear. America’s mercenary spies in Africa
are, however, just part of the story.While the Pentagon canceled an
analogous drone surveillance program dubbed Tusker Wing, it has spent
millions of dollars to upgrade the civilian airport atArba Minch,
Ethiopia, to enable drone missions to be flown from it.
Infrastructure to support such operations has been relatively
cheap and easy to construct, but a much more daunting problem looms —
one intimately connected to the New Spice Route.“Marco Polo wasn’t just
an explorer,” Army planner Chris Zahner explained at a conference in
Djibouti last year. “[H]e
was also a logistician developing logistics nodes along the Silk Road.
Now let’s do something similar where the Queen of Sheba traveled.”
Paeans to bygone luminaries aside, the reasons for pouring
resources into sea and ground supply networks have less to do with
history than with Africa’s airport infrastructure.Of the 3,300 airfields
on the continent identified in a National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency
review, the Air Force has surveyed only 303 of them and just 158 of
those surveys are current.
Of those airfields that have been checked out, half won’t support the
weight of the C-130 cargo planes that the U.S. military leans heavily on
to transport troops and materiel.
These limitations were driven home during Natural Fire 2010, one
of that year’s joint training exercises hosted by AFRICOM.
When C-130s were unable to use an airfield in Gulu, Uganda, an
extra $3 million was spent instead to send in Chinook helicopters. In addition, diplomatic clearances and
airfield restrictions on U.S. military aircraft cost the Pentagon time
and money, while often raising local suspicion and ire.
In a recent article in the military trade publication Army
Sustainment, Air Force Major Joseph Gaddis touts an emerging solution:
outsourcing. The concept was
tested last year, during another AFRICOM training operation, Atlas Drop
2011.“Instead of using military airlift to move equipment to and from
the exercise, planners used commercial freight vendors,” writes Gadddis.
“This provided exercise participants with door-to-door delivery service
and eliminated the need for extra personnel to channel the equipment
through freight and customs areas.”
Using mercenary cargo carriers to skirt diplomatic clearance
issues and move cargo to airports that can’t support U.S. C-130s is,
however, just one avenue the Pentagon is pursuing to support its
expanding operations in Africa. Another is construction. The Great Build-Up Military contracting documents reveal
plans for an investment of up to $180 million or more in construction at
Camp Lemonnier alone. Chief
among the projects will be the laying of 54,500 square meters of
taxiways “to support medium-load aircraft” and the construction of a
185,000 square meter Combat Aircraft Loading Area.
In addition, plans are in the works to erect modular maintenance
structures, hangers, and ammunition storage facilities, all needed for
an expanding set of secret wars in Africa.Other contracting documents
suggest that, in the years to come, the Pentagon will be investing up to
$50 million in new projects at that base, Kenya’s Camp Simba, and
additional unspecified locations in Africa.
Still other solicitation materials suggest future military
construction in Egypt, where the Pentagon already maintains a medical
research facility, and still more work in Djibouti. No less telling are contracting
documents indicating a coming influx of “emergency troop housing” at
Camp Lemonnier, including almost 300 additional Containerized Living
Units (CLUs), stackable, air-conditioned living quarters, as well as
latrines and laundry facilities. Military documents also indicate that a
nearly $450,000 exercise facility was installed at the U.S. base in
Entebbe, Uganda, last year.
All of this indicates that, for the Pentagon, its African build-up has
only begun. The Scramble for Africa In a recent speech in Arlington,
Virginia, AFRICOM Commander General Carter Ham explained the reasoning
behind U.S. operations on the continent: “The absolute imperative for
the United States military [is] to protect America, Americans, and
American interests; in our case, in my case, [to] protect us from
threats that may emerge from the African continent.”
As an example, Ham named the Somali-based al-Shabaab as a prime
threat. “Why do we care
about that?” he asked rhetorically.
“Well, al-Qaeda is a global enterprise… we think they very
clearly do present, as an al-Qaeda affiliate… a threat to America and
Americans.” Fighting them over there, so we don’t
need to fight them here has been a core tenet of American foreign policy
for decades, especially since 9/11.
But trying to apply military solutions to complex political and
social problems has regularly led to unforeseen consequences.
For example, last year’s U.S.-supported war in Libya resulted in
masses of well-armed Tuareg mercenaries, who had been fighting for
Libyan autocrat Muammar Qaddafi, heading back to Mali where they helped
destabilize that country. So
far, the result has been a military coup by an American-trained officer;
a takeover of some areas by Tuareg fighters of the National Movement for
the Liberation of Azawad, who had previously raided Libyan arms depots;
and other parts of the country being seized by the irregulars of Ansar
Dine, the latest al-Qaeda “affiliate” on the American radar.
One military intervention, in other words, led to three major
instances of blowback in a neighboring country in just a year.With the
Obama administration clearly engaged in a twenty-first century scramble
for Africa, the possibility of successive waves of overlapping blowback
grows exponentially. Mali
may only be the beginning and there’s no telling how any of it will end.
In the meantime, keep your eye on Africa.
The U.S. military is going to make news there for years to come. Return to Table of Contents
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