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Editorial-
Aribidesi Usman
The
Historical and Archeological Significance of Koso Wall, Old Oyo National
Park, Nigeria - David Aremu
Enclosed
Walls in Northern Yorubaland, Nigeria – Aribidesi Usman
Editorial
Walls have for some time fascinated archaeologists and historians
working in the early and late periods of African history. They can
inform us not only about the settlement that is enclosed, but also about
why, when, and how the wall was built. This issue of Africa Update
focuses on West African enclosures or walls with specific reference to
the Yoruba polities of the Oyo Empire and the periphery. Dr. Aremu, an
archaeologist and specialist in cultural resource management gives a
clear insight into the historical and archaeological importance of the
ancient Koso wall, and the need to preserve the relics for future
generations. Oyo Ile or Old Oyo is an ancient Yoruba city and former
capital of the Oyo Empire. The Oyo Ile site is currently a part of the
Upper Ogun Games Reserve established by the Nigerian government. The
ancient Koso wall is seen as an additional tourist resource to Oyo Ile
in the Old Oyo National Park. This article is an account of the
reconnaissance work carried out by the author at Koso and the associated
site, Bara. In the historical context of the Oyo Empire, Koso was a
capital city of Oyo, while Bara was the burial site of Oyo kings. Beside
Koso, Oyo established other capital centers such as Oyo Ile and Igboho.
The author presents a brief history of Koso and its association with
Sango, the deified Yoruba deity.
Yoruba oral traditions often identify Sango as one of the early kings (Alaafin)
of Oyo-Ile. He was a great warrior and magician who, it is claimed, had
the power to attract lightning, with which he allegedly vanquished his
enemies on the battlefield. The circumstances surrounding Sango’s death
and deification are not clear, but as Dr. Aremu alleges his subjects
forced him to abdicate after becoming tired of his political intrigues
and military escapades. Sango worship was a state religion from the 17th
century to the early 19th centuries, when the kingdom was at the apex of
its power.
Koso wall is a multiple wall system built of mud and consisting of both
outer and inner walls. The innermost wall which the author investigated
varies in length from 3 km to 4.5 km in different location at the site.
The innermost wall consists of three categories: standing mud walls, mud
walls from ground level and heap or raised ground. Koso wall enclosure,
like other West African walls, was built for different purposes. The
construction of city walls was to counter aggressions and protect
communities from invaders.
The location of Oyo close to non-Yoruba groups like the Nupe and Borgu,
and the frequent military encounters between these polities, are
relevant to the understanding of the Koso walling system and the
shifting capital of Oyo. However, the enclosure walls may have served
other functions such as political, commercial, and ethnic purposes. The
author suggests that the investigation of Koso should also involve
excavation - to provide datable materials and other finds, for a better
understanding of the lives and condition of people that made Koso and
its environs a home. In addition to the walls and other cultural remains
at Koso, the author also looks at the natural resources (e.g., geology,
fauna, and flora) at Koso and its environs as additional attractions
that must be protected for the present and future generations.
Cultural resource management in Nigeria is still essentially a federal
government affair. There is lack of awareness at the local government
level of the significance of the indigenous cultural materials of the
people. Nigerians who are unaware of the value of cultural objects are
less sympathetic to the cause of preserving them.
The standing mud wall of Koso, the only standing ancient city wall
monument in any part of the southwestern Nigeria, is a rare cultural
heritage that should be protected. The walls are deteriorating as a
result of human and natural factors. Dr. Aremu calls for a proposal that
will make ancient city walls such as Koso part of UNESCO’s most
endangered sites, as done in other countries of the world such as Peru,
where “earthen sites or mud walls account for 10% of the UNESCO World
Heritage list.” The author also suggests ways to improve the condition
of Koso walls in a way that will promote tourist attractions. This is a
challenge to the management of the Old Oyo National Park and other
departments such as the National Commission for Museums and Monuments
which engage in preserving and protecting the country’s cultural
resource.
Guest Editor
Dr. Aribidesi Usman
African & African American Studies
Arizona State University
Return to
Table of Contents
The Historical and
Archeological Significance of Koso Wall, Old Oyo National Park, Nigeria
Dr. David A. Aremu
Department of Archaeology and Anthropology,
University of Ibadan, Nigeria.
INTRODUCTION
Old Oyo National Park, like Yankari National Park in Bauchi, Nigeria,
has numerous archaeological and historical sites that provide additional
attractions to tourists with interest in wildlife (Aremu 1999). Old Oyo
National Park is located between latitude 8o 15’ and 9o 00’ N and
longitude 30 35’ – 4o 42’ E. It has a total area of 2,512km2 and an
average rainfall of 1,100mm per year. Koso and Bara archaeological sites
are to the northeast of Oyo Ile and a full acquisition and control of
the area would increase the tourist resources of Old Oyo National Park.
The Park is surrounded by eleven Local Government Areas, namely: Atiba,
Atizbo, Irepo, Iseyin, Itesiwaju, Iyamopo/Olorunsogo, Oorelope, Orire,
Oyo West, Shaki East (all in Oyo State) and Kaiama in Kwara State.
Old Oyo National Park has five ranges. They are Oyo Ile, Marguba, Tede,
Sepeteri and Yemoso ranges. The Park is established to preserve and
protect the cultural remains of the ancient Oyo Empire. It is also to
conserve and protect the indigenous Nigerian flora and fauna resources
in this area for the benefit of present and future generations. Oyo Ile
range contains historical, archaeological and monumental objects and
some wild animals. Marguba, Sepeteri, Tede and Yemoso ranges have more
wild animals than Oyo Ile.
Old Oyo National Park has become better known within the past five years
in Nigeria. The tourism unit has succeeded in attracting lots of
tourists from within and outside Nigeria in the recent past (Jeminiwa
1999: Pers. Comm.) with its mobile labeled vehicles, various handbills,
newspapers and periodicals publications and sponsored television
advertisement programs. As part of the development programs of Old Oyo
National Park, Oyo Ile was extended to Koso and Bara in March 1999. To
better determine the potential for tourism the park management requested
for an archaeological reconnaissance of Koso and Bara. This paper is a
report of the reconnaissance of Koso and the need for preservation of
its cultural relics.
According to oral tradition of Oyo people, Koso was a former capital
city of Oyo Empire. There are three earlier capitals near the Niger
River. The people moved to Koso for security reasons and settled on Koso
Hill and below the Bara Mountain. They later moved further South to Oyo
Ile, then to Ipapo Ile, Igboho, and back to Oyo Ile before they finally
settled at the present Oyo, 52km northeast of Ibadan (Abimbola 1964;
Agbaje Williams 1989; Aremu 1997; Babayemi 1980; Morton-Williams 1967).
Bara is about three kilometers northwest of Koso. It was a settlement
site where late Alaafins were buried. Extending Oyo Ile to Koso and Bara
would provide some of the rich historical, archaeological and cultural
materials of the ancient Oyo Empire.
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF SANGO AND OYA IN KOSO
The Yoruba called the Niger River “Odo Oya” after Oya, the wife of
Sango. The oral history indicated that anytime Sango was traveling to
the north he used to meet this beautiful woman named Oya at the bank of
the Niger. After falling in love with her, Sango started showering her
with gifts whenever he traveled to the north. These love overtures
eventually led to marriage. After their marriage Sango discovered that
Oya had some supernatural powers and this, in conjunction with her
beauty made Sango love Oya more than his other wives. As a result of
rancor in Oyo between Gbonka and Timi, Sango, the fourth Alaafin of Oyo,
was forced out of his domain and all his wives and people left the town
with him. Because of the humiliation, Sango committed suicide and many
of his followers went back to Oyo. Oya, his faithful wife did not go
back because this would have been a disgrace had she returned to Oyo.
She decided to go very far from Oyo, by following the forest until she
got to a certain area now called Ira, southeast of Oyo in Oyun Local
Government Area of Kwara State. There is an Oyo shrine at Ira, located
south of the town. The Ira people claim that their ancestor came from
Oyo.
Sango and Oya have been deified and have become one of the most famous
Orisas in Yorubaland. These historical events have led to a common
saying in Oyo that:
“Oya wole Nira
Sango wole ni Koso.”
Interpretation:
Oya entered the ground at Ira (i.e. died)
Sango entered the ground at Koso (i.e. died)
Our archaeological reconnaissance was
carried out at Koso. Among the present Oyo, Igbeti, Kosa, Bani and other
neighboring towns there is the fear that nobody could climb Koso Hill
because it was where they claimed that Sango died. They believed that
his spirit might still be around and might harm anybody that got to the
site. It was considered as part of the objectives of this research to
find out where Sango died at Koso.
In March 1999 we climbed the hill to where it is claimed that Sango
died. The place is a big rock outcrop with another on top of it forming
a ‘T’ shape. Contrary to the people’s speculations, beneath the site is
a flat rock outcrop on which one might spread farm products. There are
potsherds scattered around the area and a mud wall protecting the
northern part of a rock shelter, south of the flat rock outcrop. Sango
might have hung himself and died but it might not be on the ‘T’ shaped
rock outcrop.
They claimed he died on Koso Hill and that Koso site was named after the
incident of Sango’s death. His favorites disputed how he died. Some said
“Oba so” (the king hung), while other said “ Oba Koso” meaning “The king
did not hang”. Thus, the name ‘Koso’ abbreviated from ‘Oba Koso’
emerged. This implies that the site might have been called another name
before Koso. None of our informants could clarify this assumption.
Sango as Alaafin of Oyo built and left behind a virile capital city at
Koso. He might have enjoined the cooperation of his subjects as their
king which must have helped to achieve the building of the various
defense walls at the site. It is possible that more than one Oba might
have reigned at Koso apart from Sango. The contributions of all such
rulers might have led to the development of Koso before it was
abandoned.
After the death of Sango and Oya, both were deified and are still
worshipped. In life both exercised political power and influence over
the people, and in death they were deified and worshipped as orisas. It
is a way of honoring past heroes by preserving what they left behind.
RECONNAISSANCE OF KOSO
Igbeti is one of Old Oyo National Park’s Patrol Post and it is about
forty kilometres to Oyo Ile. A new and more accessible Patrol Post is
built at Awodi, ten kilometres to Oyo Ile for administrative convenience
and to prevent poaching activities. Iron slag is scattered in the bush
opposite the Patrol Post which is evidence of iron smelting in the area
in the past. There are Fulani farming settlements between Oyo Ile, Koso
and Bara. These are Budo Are (nearest to Oyo Ile at the northeast), Budo
Audu (nearest to Koso from the west), Onigbangba (closest to Bara) and
Elenre about four kilometres northwest of Koso. The Fulani farm and
graze their cattle in this area. The nearness of these settlements to
Oyo Ile Park is causing a poaching problem to the Park. The park rangers
have made several arrests and prosecuted many. The poaching problem has
been reduced a little after the park management adopted the system of
dialogue, an enlightenment campaign and friendly attitudes toward the
surrounding population.
VEGETATION
The vegetation in the area contains remnants of the rainforest. The
present day vegetation is the result of human activity of land
cultivation, cattle grazing, and severe annual bush burning. The
southern guinea savannah has a similar general appearance of the derived
savannah. The area contains a whole range of vegetation types including
a riparian forest, a concentration of herbs trees and other woody plants
and grasses. Some of the trees and shrubs have twisted and gnarled
trunks as a result of frequent fires which have checked their growth.
The bark of most species is very thick, usually more than 1cm, and this
probably accounts for their tolerance of fire. The trees include Afzelia
africana (mahogany bean), Elaeis guineensis (oil palm), Butyrospermum
paradoxium (shea butter) with deep fissuring, Daniellia oliveri African
(copaiba balsam), Parkia clappertoniana (African locust bean) and Vitex
doniana (black plum). The farmers cultivate yams (Dioscorea spp.),
cassava (Manihot esculenta), maize (Zea Mays), guinea corn, and
vegetables such as okra (Abelmoschus esculentus).
The mammalian fauna found in this area include baboon, (Papio anubis),
the red monkey (Erythrocebus patas), crawshay’s hare (Lepus crawshayi)
and giant rats (Cricetomys gambianus). Large herbivores include
waterbucks (Kobus defassa), Kobs (Kobus kob), bushbucks (Tragelaphus
scriptus), roan antelopes (Hippotragus equinus), and warthogs (Phacochoerus
aethiopicus). Carnivores include spotted hyenas (Crocus crocuta), wild
dogs (Lycaon pictus) and lions (Panthera leo).
KOSO HILL
Koso is a hilltop settlement which extends down the hill to the west and
the south. The hill is separated to the north and south with a gap which
is occupied by a defense wall. There is evidence of settlement on the
hills at the two sides. The people claimed that Sango died in the north.
In this area are two rock shelters – one with mud walls that served as
partitions in the rock shelter, and inside the other, a piece of rock
which might have been used as a stool. Other cultural materials in the
area include grinding stones, house foundations, rock hollows, and
potsherds. In the southern hill the house remains are more pronounced
with partitioned room walls still discernible. Most of the houses were
built into rocks serving as side walls. The rooms are 4 m and 3 m long
and wide respectively and are rectangular in shape. There are many
protruding granite rock outcrops which might have attracted people to
this area.
KOSO DEFENCE WALL
Koso settlement is surrounded by three walls. The innermost wall was
investigated in March 1999. From the survey of the wall to the west, the
outermost wall is 3.6 km. The outermost wall continued northwards
towards Bara, while the wall to the south might have extended to Oyo Ile
(Olatuboson 1999: Pers. Comm.). The innermost wall in the North is 3.8
km, West 4.3 km., East 4.4 km, and South 4 km. The walls are in three
categories of deterioration as at the time of the fieldwork. These are:
(1) standing mud walls above one metre to seven metres high (2) mud
walls of zero to one metre high, and (3) heaps of raised ground
indicating the wall path. These are discussed below.
(a) Standing Mud Walls
These are more pronounced in the northeast where we have Koso Hill, than
in any of the other sides of the site. The height ranges from 5.1 m to 7
m and 1.6 m in thickness. They range from nine to thirteen courses on
top of each other. The mud walls have attractive intrusions of
potsherds, quartz, quartzite and granite rock. Two meters from the
ground floor are holes 10 cm in diameter, created through the wall at 1
m intervals. Ajayi and Smith (1971) were of the opinion that where such
occurred on the walls of new Oyo, Osogbo, Ikirun and Ijaye guns could be
fired to the enemy through holes. While that might be possible during
the period of gun use (A.D 15th century and above), Koso might predate
such a period, and the holes might not be used primarily for firing guns
at enemies but for use within the wall to view opponents from outside as
a security measure.
(b) Mud Walls
Walls from ground level to 1 m high occurred on every side of the
settlement. They indicate the last stage of destruction of the walls
wherever they occurred. They exhibit the same character of thickness as
potsherds, quartz, and quartzite intrusions.
(c) Mounds
Raised ground or mounds were observed along the wall path where the
walls had been destroyed, on both sides of the wall. The collapsed wall
might have created humus soil along the wall path on the raised ground.
The trees grew in sequence along the path as if planted deliberately.
Porcupines dwelt inside the raised ground. Spines of porcupines killed
by hunters were found during the survey along the northern and western
walls. Digging of the walls by hunters, to kill animals, endangered the
preservation of Koso Wall. The Archaeological Resources Protection Act
and the National Historic Preservation Act should be enforced to prevent
further destruction in this area.
The standing mud walls at Koso
constitute a rare cultural heritage that should be preserved. They cover
a length of about 150 m stretching east-west. There is no occurrence of
such standing wall monuments in any part of the southwestern Nigeria.
The reconstruction and preservation of walls on Koso Hill to the south
should be carried out. These are about 180 m south of the standing
walls. The cultural features on Koso Hill to the north would add to the
many attractions at the site. Apart from mud walls, in a few places in
the west, there are other cultural materials along the wall path and in
the settlement, such as potsherds, ash mounds, grinding stones, rock
hollows, rock shelters, some flake tools, quartz, quartzite and
laterites.
IMPORTANCE OF KOSO DEFENCE WALL
The settlement enclosed by the walls is more important than the actual
earthworks. In a general sense any fortification serves as an indication
of the size, wealth and importance of the town or city it enclosed. It
provided security for the lives of those within the wall. Koso is no
longer inhabited. The architectural building of the walls, its size and
boundary, the settlement remains, and the cultural materials at the site
are sources of information about the lives of the people who lived in
the area. The walls serve as people’s cultural heritage which if well
preserved can provide more information about the past in the present and
the future. The walling city might have enclosed people of the same
historical and cultural background. Oral traditions suggest that the
former inhabitants of Koso were Yoruba of the Old Oyo Empire.
Koso might have been an important commercial centre. One of the
important reasons for the construction of walls and embankments around
settlements was to protect commercial activities. As a result of a
flourishing trade, towns were at war with their neighbours in an attempt
to gain control of trade routes and commercial centres. Kano and her
neighbour Katsina by A.D. 1000 to 1500 were the strongest commercial
centres of Hausa land and their peace was constantly disturbed. They
were forced to construct a civic defense to protect the operation of
both regional and inter-regional trade and commerce which constituted
the essential life blood of the city.
In history it is recorded that Oyo Ile, Kano, Zaria, Ife, Benin and
Ijebu Ode were, one time or the other, centres of commercial activities
(Adesina 1979). Oyo Ile’s commercial position may have started at Koso
before the people moved to Oyo Ile. Towns enclosed by walls and
embankments usually served as centres of political power. This was true
of Koso and Oyo Ile which were capital cities of Oyo Empire in
succession. In order to defend the city against external aggression,
walls and embankments were built. The construction of walls and
embankments of Zaria, Kano, Sokoto, and Katsina brought peace to the
towns thereafter. The walls were built as a means of repelling possible
military attacks. The walls were of special importance in its functions
as political and military enclosure. People who lived in settlements
near the walls were allowed into the city during war. The city wall was
constructed to provide protection against possible external aggression.
It was in the process of establishing kingdoms and providing stable
commercial centres with maximum security for smooth running that defense
was constantly extended and maintained. The walls and embankment of Koso
help to throw more light on the history of the Oyo Empire. The existence
of the wall has given us a concrete location and the physical extent of
this capital city of Oyo Empire. Excavation across the inner wall might
give some important information on the chronology and other aspects of
the lives of the former inhabitants of the site. Connah’s excavation of
the innermost wall of Benin near Ogba road gave an insight to the
practice of iron smelting and the period it started. It has also been
possible to date Oyo Ile through the pottery type incorporated in the
walls. Koso walls have become an irresistible tourist attraction because
of its height, thickness, architecture and history, important reasons
for advocating the preservation of the cultural remains.
PRESERVATION OF KOSO WALLS
Koso walls are exposed to some dangers which led to the collapse of
parts of the wall. Each successive rainy season washed the wall from the
top to the foundation level eroding parts of it. Trees that grow near
the wall have become very big and the branches and roots have destroyed
parts of the wall. Hunters excavated various parts of the wall while
hunting for small games without any regard for the preservation of the
wall. Bush burning is practiced in the area annually and at every season
the walls are burnt since they are often covered with bush. Without any
preservation measures to prevent further destruction, all the walls will
be gone without a trace.
The National Commission for Museum and Monuments has proposed Old Oyo as
one of the Nigeria’s UNESCO World Heritage sites. In other countries
such as Peru in South America, earthen sites or mud walls like the Old
Oyo walls account for 10 percent of the UNESCO World Heritage list. A
renewed commitment to the conservation of earthen architecture and the
promotion of its values is essential for this heritage to be universally
recognized as an area of study and of professional practice as suggested
by ICCROM (Little 2001).
Old Oyo National Park should be given needed Federal Government support
to preserve and protect Koso wall henceforth. Immediate task of the Old
Oyo National Park is clearing the surrounding vegetation of the standing
walls to a distant of four meters each from both sides. The clearing
should be done on a regular basis. This will prevent annual burning of
the wall and provide a cleaner environment under which the walls would
be more visible to tourists. The trees and other disturbing roots should
be removed to prevent damage to the walls. The walls that are very weak
should be supported by pillars of mud walls constructed by local
bricklayers knowledgeable in mud building construction. The walls may be
roofed with grass and supported with wooden poles.
The Great Zimbabwe stone structures
have undergone various preservation measures. Further advice could also
be sought from those who had worked on the preservation of the Great
Zimbabwe stone structure to compliment whatever is being done in the
interim. The Federal Government should also enforce The Archaeological
Resources Protection Act and The National Historic Preservation Act all
over the nation and in the Koso area of Old Oyo National Park, in
particular. They should empower the National Commission for Museum and
Monuments (NCMM) to carry out a nation-wide conservation and restoration
of cultural properties, by initiating, developing, promoting and
facilitating conditions for such conservation and restoration. The NCMM
should have architectural and conservation units to deal with such
matters.
CONCLUSIONS
Innumerable artifacts of Nigerian cultural heritage have been destroyed
due to ignorance on the part of the custodians, irresponsibility of
cultural administrators and unsupportive attitudes by government. Many
reports have been made about artifacts of Nigerian cultural heritage
which had been allowed to waste away. The case of Koso wall should not
suffer the same fate. The maintenance of the road to Koso should be
considered important and would make the preservation of the site
meaningful. The beauty of Koso rock outcrops and rock piles and the
architectural fascination of the standing mud walls are enough to
attract tourists to the area. Preservation of cultural and natural
resources is the key to successful tourism in Nigeria. More tourists
would be encouraged to visit the site if the cultural and natural relics
are better preserved.
REFERENCES
Abimbola, W. (1964). The Ruins of Oyo Division. African Notes 2, 1,
16-19.
Adesina M.O. (1979). City Walls and Embankments in the Savanna and
Forest Areas of Nigeria. B.A. project, Department of Archaeology and
Anthropology, University of Ibadan.
Agbaje-Williams, B. (1989). The Discovery of Koso, an ancient Oyo
settlement.
The Nigerian Field 54, 123-127.
Ajayi, J.F.A, and Robert Smith (1971): Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth
Century. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press.
Aremu, D.A. (1979). “Preservation of Archaeological Resources in Old Oyo
National Park: A means of promoting Cultural Heritage and Tourism in the
Park.” Report Submitted to Old Oyo National Park, Nigeria.
Babayemi, S.O. (1980). The Fall and Rise of Oyo, C.1760-1905: A Study on
the Traditional Culture of an African Polity. Ph.D. dissertation.
University of Birmingham. U.K.
Connah, G. (1975). The Archaeology of Benin. London: Oxford University
Press.
Little, T. (2000). The Architecture and Archaeological Site Programme in
International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration
of Cultural Property (ICCROM) Newsletter, October 2001, 27.
Davidson, B. (1965). Old Africa Rediscovered. London: Oxford University
Press.
Morton-Williams, P. (1967). The Yoruba Kingdom of Oyo, in Forde, D. and
Kabemy, eds., West Africa Kingdom in the 19th Century. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Return to
Table of Contents
Enclosed Walls in
Northern Yorubaland, Nigeria
Aribidesi Usman, Arizona State University
Introduction
Fortifications, especially enclosing walls, are common features in large
African political centers and have been widely studied (Connah 1975;
Ozanne 1969; Posnansky 1969; Soper and Darling 1980:61-81). African city
walls consist of enclosures, either single or multiple, that entirely or
partially surround habitation. Various materials were employed in their
construction. This includes stone, mud, or earth with banks and ditches,
timber stockades, or naturally grown vegetation. The increasing interest
in the periphery of large Africa polities has revealed that the culture
of walling system was more widespread than previously thought. Enclosure
walls like those in large political centers have been found among
small-scale African societies. It appears that the same forces and needs
which made construction of enclosure possible at large centers were also
at work in the periphery. Archaeological investigations conducted in
Northern Yorubaland have resulted in the discovery of pre-19th century
fortifications, similar to those associated with large polities of Ife,
Benin, and Oyo. Northern Yorubaland encompasses the present-day Kwara
and Kogi States of Nigeria. The region comprises several ethnic groups,
notably the Yoruba, Nupe, Baruba, Ebira, Igala, and Kakanda. In the
past, Northern Yorubaland was characterized by the movement of peoples,
culture contact, and confrontations which were sometimes endemic, and
the social consequences which flowed from this.
This article is the result of some work carried out in Igbomina area of
Northern Yorubaland. Fortifications have been found at several
settlements in the region, but two of these, Gbagede and Iyara, located
within the Igbomina area of Northern Yorubaland are discussed here. The
intent of this paper is twofold. The first is to provide a survey
description of the walls, and the second is to explore the functional
interpretations of the walls. The study of fortifications in this part
of Yorubaland will provide an understanding of the nature of Old Oyo’s
northern frontier and the prehistoric social relations in the area,
especially between Oyo-Igbomina, and the Nupe.
Description
Gbagede site is located about 3.2 km northeast of Ajasepo town in Kwara
State of Nigeria. The site is situated on relatively flat land bounded
to the west by the Osin River which flows to Omupo town, and on the east
by river Egui. Iyara is located about 2.2 km northeast of Ajasepo town
and about 1 km southeast of Gbagede site. The sites are situated on a
relatively flat terrain with derived savanna type vegetation. The small
Igbinla River enters Iyara site from the southeast and flows toward the
northwest where it escapes through the wall toward the direction of
Gbagede. The first survey of Gbagede and Iyara walls first carried out
in 1995, involved taking measurements between points along the wall
using tapes, ranging poles, and a prismatic compass. The distance
between one point and the next is 30 m, except at corners and near
gates. Early in the year 2003 these walls were re-examined using GPS
equipment.
Gbagede is a large pre-19th century settlement with an enclosed wall of
mud, occupied between 1390 and 1795 (Fig. 1). From the 2003 survey
estimates, the height and width of the walls range between 1 and 3 m
high and 4 and 6 m wide. Three main entry gates, probably with sentry,
and two or three minor entrances were associated with Gbagede wall.
There are excavated holes or pits placed randomly inside the wall. These
pits are in most cases with exposed granites and may have served as
water reservoirs for the inhabitants of Gbagede. Inspection of the
southern and eastern walls revealed stones and potsherds eroding out of
the wall. These may have been incorporated into the wall during
construction. The survey of Gbagede indicated a single wall system with
a circumference of about 3.4 km, while the site area was estimated at
approximately 612,360 m2 or 0.612 km.2 In the case of Iyara, the wall is
rampart with two main entrances, and a continuous ditch located outside
the wall (Fig. 2). The depth of the ditch varied from one section of the
wall to another with the deepest about 1.3 m. Such a deep ditch was
unique of a rampart built wall. Generally, the wall height ranges
between 1.2 m to 2.0 m, while the width was between 4.3 m to 5.5 m. The
Iyara enclosure is estimated to be about 2.8 km in circumference. The
name Iyara seems to be synonymous with the physical feature, the
conspicuous walling system. Iy�r� or Y�r� in Yoruba means trench, or
ditch, behind the walls of a town.
Sociopolitical Relations
The sociopolitical circumstances which necessitated the construction of
enclosed walls in Northern Yorubaland involved the consideration of two
forms of social relationships in the region: the Oyo-Igbomina
relationship and the Yoruba-Nupe relationship. The rise of Oyo was
related to the formation of links with periphery groups. The
establishment of such links usually came as a reaction to some external
or internal threat which necessitated the demonstration of unity in the
area. For Oyo, such a circumstance arose with the Nupe invasion of
Oyo-Ile in the 15th century. The expansion of Yoruba (Oyo) was an
outgrowth of the formation of alliances between the Oyo and the Yoruba
frontier groups whose thrusts into Northern Yoruba were the most
penetrating when the tensions between the Oyo and the Nupe were high.
The strategic importance of Igbomina to Oyo in terms of political or
military purposes, appear to have constituted an important basis for
alliances. Igbomina was a frontier area occupied during a geographical
expansion of the Old Oyo in the 16th century, an expansion which
furthered the political and military interest of the state. The Igbomina-Yoruba
was located near the Nupe ethnic group, who lived both on the right bank
of the Niger downstream of Jebba and to the north of the Niger River.
The Northern Yoruba society, located between the Nupe and Old Oyo had
the strategic advantage of protecting Oyo's northern frontier.
The Nupe ethnic group earlier divided into several small chieftaincies
and later united in a single kingdom (Elphinstone 1921) and lived to the
north of the River Niger. But there was also a Nupe province, centered
on the town of Ogudu, on the right bank of the Niger downstream of Jebba
close to the Igbomina. While it may be very difficult to understand the
events of this period, it has been suggested that some of the areas in
Northern Yoruba were also inhabited by the Nupe; that they were
subsequently dislodged and partially absorbed by successive waves of
Yoruba immigrants first from Ile-Ife and then from Oyo-Yoruba speaking
areas (Adepegba 1982). This claim would seem to be supported by the
soapstone figures found in Igbomina areas which exhibited both Nupe and
Yoruba culture traits (Stevens 1978). It appears that both cultures
(Yoruba and Nupe) may have co-existed until certain time, probably by
the 16th century when the Nupe were displaced by the expansion of Old
Oyo (Obayemi 1976), and inter-group violence with the Nupe began to pose
an ever-present threat to the well-being of the people and the survival
of Oyo’s northern frontier.
Functional Interpretations
The study of site enclosures reveals how an architectural feature might
have functioned in regard to prehistoric social relations. Here, I will
explore the applicability of one of the most commonly applied functional
labels, that of defensive function, as it relates to Northern Yorubaland.
Warfare was a major unpredictable environmental variable in the region.
Therefore, there should be a correlation between those elements of the
cultural system's environment which are unpredictable and evidence of a
society-wide organizational activity to deal with them. A good example
of preventive action taken by the people was the construction of
fortifications. Thus, important towns, and even some larger villages in
Yorubaland were surrounded by a roughly concentric 'wall' of dumped
earth or, less often, by a stockade (Smith 1973). As well as providing
defense in depth, wall and ditches offered protection to an army forming
up for attack between the walls.
Oral traditions, dating as far back as the 16th century provide
historical evidence of military invasions of the Yoruba by the Nupe.
Nupe influence began to grow in the area when attempts by Old Oyo to
build a military outpost in Igbomina failed to check Nupe incursions
(Law 1977). The Nupe intensified their incursions in Northern Yorubaland
in the mid-18th century when the constitutional crisis in Old Oyo began
to pre-occupy the aristocracy and reduce Oyo's control in the north.
This information includes wars fought, and destruction and abandonment
of settlements well remembered by elders. The Nupe incursions of the
mid-18th century became particularly noticeable during the reign of
three Nupe kings: Etsu Jubrilu (1744-1759), Majiya II (1769-1777), and
Mu'azu (1779-1795) (Elphinstone 1921). Although these Nupe military
encounters can be described as 'smash and grab' operations with little
consideration for long-term exploitation, they continued well into the
19th century when the Fulani conquest or rule was superimposed on the
northcentral Yoruba.
A version of oral tradition suggests that the Iyara site was a war camp
founded by one Balogun Adelani, a warrior who migrated from Old Oyo.
Wars that were fought by this founder and his successors are given as
Erinmope, Adamu, Adunbi, and Agannigan (where men perforated their
ears). It is not known when these wars were fought, though some of them
appear to refer to the Yoruba civil wars of the early 19th century,
following the fall of the Oyo Empire. The second version of oral
tradition suggests that the site was originally inhabited by the Nupe,
and abandoned when the Oyo immigrants arrived in the area. However,
there is no excavation material yet to confirm or dispute these
assertions.
Further support for the defense interpretation of the enclosed wall is
provided by excavated iron arrowheads from some Igbomina sites, which
may have been utilized in war (Usman 2003). Oral tradition in Northern
Yorubaland refers to the use of bows and arrows by the Borgu, nearby
neighbors of the Oyo, in the time of Alafin Ofinran, who probably
reigned at Oyo around the middle of the 16th century (Smith 1967). The
excavated iron arrowheads from Igbomina have been dated to between the
15th and16th centuries AD, and appear to suggest that the weapons must
almost certainly have been used by the Yoruba-speaking people in the
area by the 16th century.
In addition, walls may act as spatial demarcation, social regulation, as
well as for privacy of the political elites (Adler 1990; Kane 1989;
Ozanne 1969; Tringham 1972:470). In describing Ife walls, for example,
Ozanne (1969: 32) claimed that, “the communities . . . must have had a
more elaborate social structure than that of autochthonous hamlets of
early life. The fact of building a wall indicated a single though
probably segmented, polity, in which relations must have been carefully
ordered.” By demarcating a group’s ‘place’ in the environment, a
boundary becomes a symbol of the social and political group (Wilson
1988: 60) and may function to reinforce its identity. The fact that
residential groups chose to demarcate their settlements with walls
implies that the space and its contents were highly valued (Tringham
1972: 470). Some local elites in Northern Yoruba may have taken
advantage of their relation with Oyo to replicate the walling culture of
the large polity on the frontier. The character of Gbagede wall may be
related to the sociopolitical importance of the settlement as a
‘capital’ or head town in the area where the king, Olupo, resided. The
Gbagede and Iyara walls may have political connotations, such as the
presence of a highly valued political institution, and as an enhancement
of privacy and prestige, while signaling the existence of a high degree
of political and social cohesion. Whatever the situation in Northern
Yoruba, the walling system, like in the large African political centers,
were major projects that would have required discipline and planning, as
well as leaders with the ability to marshall the labor and provide food
for the construction.
Conclusion
The geopolitical situation in Northern Yorubaland, the encircling nature
of walls, ditches, settlement abandonment, and excavated 'weapons' of
war have helped in suggesting a climate of hostility. It is possible
that warfare, exemplified by the wall systems, suggests the collapse of
a system of balanced but competing Yoruba and Nupe polities. However,
this factor must be understood in relation to other factors. The
Igbomina may have constructed enclosed walls and evolved towards
increased ‘centralized’ control and ‘hierarchy’ in reaction to the Nupe
on its borders. The walls were part of the regional socio-political and
economic change that occurred in Yorubaland and elsewhere in West Africa
from the fifteenth century.
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